Cheaper cars wanted

By Azam Aris of theedgemalaysia.com | The Edge Malaysia – Thu, Aug 9, 2012 DO Malaysians deserve cheaper cars? After having to pay so much more than consumers in other countries for so many years to buy a car, the majority would say, "Yes! We want cheaper cars!"

I remember in the early 1980s when my brother bought his first car — a Mazda 323, which only cost about RM17,000. The other options were the slightly-cheaper Nissan Sunny and the slightly pricier Ford Laser.

A fresh graduate's salary then was RM1,200 to RM1,500 — not very much lower than today's starting pay — but he definitely had greater purchasing power.

In addition, cheaper cars and houses — one could find a double-storey house for RM60,000 to RM80,000 in many areas in the Klang Valley then — meant lower loan commitments. The disposable income of a graduate was much higher.

Those were the days when the nation was just an assembler of foreign cars. Later, we decided to venture into the unknown territory of heavy industries to become a car manufacturer, in a bid to emulate the economic quantum leap of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan.

Proton, the national car maker, was incorporated in May 1983. By July 1985, along with the lesser-known Japanese car manufacturer Mitsubishi as a partner, the nation's pride — the Proton Saga — was launched at an entry level price of RM17,800.

The price was competitive initially but the national car manufacturer needed to be protected so that it could gradually grow into a regional and, perhaps, global player. An almost sure way of protecting Proton was to increase the duties of its competitors, hence the introduction and imposition of a high excise and sales tax regime for locally assembled foreign cars and fully imported vehicles.

Today, nearly 30 years after Proton was set up, the price of the equivalent of a Mazda 323 is RM100,000, a Ford Fiesta sedan goes for RM80,000, and the Nissan Sentra and Latio cost about RM90,000 — or nearly five times more.

Proton's low-end Saga 1.3, priced at RM38,000, is among the cheapest cars in the country, but still costs more than double what it did when it was first launched.

But wages have not doubled for many, let alone increased five-fold during the same period. Salaries have remained relatively low for the majority of the population, with about 70% of households in the country earning below RM3,000.

As public transport — which is in the midst of an extensive upgrade — is still inadequate, many are still forced to buy a car. Dollar for dollar, the prices they have to pay are among the highest in the world.

A Toyota Camry 2.5 litre that costs about US$30,000 (RM90,000) in the US is priced at about RM182,000 here. A Volkswagen Golf GTI costs RM120,000 in Germany, but RM200,000 here. The sporty Peugeot RCZ 1.6 turbo goes for £21,000 (RM102,000) in the UK, compared with RM223,000 here.

Excise duties for cars can be as high as 105%. On top of that, there is an average sales tax of 10%. According to one estimate, if a Malaysian consumer pays RM100,000 for a car, as much RM55,000 goes to paying for various duties.

So, it is not surprising that Malaysians spend a substantial portion of their disposable income on monthly car instalments and maintenance. That is a high price to pay — 20% of the RM581 billion in household debt is due to cars, the second highest percentage after housing loans.

It was thus not surprising that when the opposition coalition, led by PKR, proposed a massive reduction in excise duties, many supported the move, which would result in lower car prices, lower monthly instalments and higher disposable income.

Ruling party members called it an election gimmick and warned that such a move would result in the loss of RM7 billion in revenue, which is much needed by the government as it has been running a budget deficit for the last 14 years.

Proton will lose a lot of money, a lot of jobs will be lost and the second-hand car market will stall, the critics claim. In short, they say, the proposal will not be viable and cannot be implemented.

Yes, any reduction or removal of duties, if not replaced with new or higher taxes elsewhere, will directly decrease the government's revenue. However, all is not lost if a cut in duties results in higher disposable income for many.

Let us assume that of the RM7 billion in revenue, 50% is cut. That would mean RM3.5 billion would be put back into the pockets of consumers, which they would likely spend and plough back into the economy. In an economy that relies on domestic consumption, the multiplier effect of RM3.5 billion would be immense.

The loss in revenue can also be compensated through a further revamp of the approved permit (AP) system for imported cars, which has been consistently abused in the past. AP documents, which cost nothing, were traded among bumiputera and non-bumiputera car dealers for up to RM40,000 each.

Now, the government has imposed a RM10,000 fee for each AP but a further increase would not hurt those who can afford imported vehicles — the rich and upper middle class.

An open bidding system that has been recommended would give the government higher revenue.

As for Proton, it will not be on the losing end as the prices of its products will also drop and remain the cheapest in the country. Cheaper cars mean a bigger market. That will also get Proton ready to compete in a more liberalised domestic, regional and international market.

The message to Proton should be that if it cannot compete domestically and internationally after 30 years of protection, then it can never be ready to compete even if it continues to enjoy such a privilege for many more years.

Many people feel a gradual removal of duties is doable immediately and this will allow the used car market to adjust accordingly.

In the past few weeks, there has been a lot of debate on the pros and cons of this issue. But after all is said and done, the one inescapable conclusion is that we do deserve cheaper cars, plain and simple. Azam Aris is managing editor at The Edge. This story appeared in The Edge on Aug 6, 2012.

Frequently Asked Questions on Water Restructuring Process

1. What are the Selangor State Government’s intentions in the restructuring of the water industry in Selangor?
o The Selangor State Government intends to restructure the water services industry in Selangor in a holistic manner, ensuring that the four concession companies are consolidated into one entity, which would eventually hold the operating license to manage the water treatment and water distribution in the state of Selangor.
o This single operator would be a company under the Selangor State Government.
o The Selangor State Governments intends to increase efficiency of the water industry, reduce tariffs by up to 24% in the long run, and to maintain the free water for the first 20m3 policy.

2. How does this fit into the Federal Government’s plans?
o The Water Services Industry Act (WSIA) 2006 was passed in Parliament with the intention of renationalizing all water assets in the country.
o The plan is to eventually have all water-related assets transferred back to the Federal Government through its nominated agency Pengurusan Aset Air Berhad (PAAB).
o The Selangor State Government owns 70% of the State’s water assets, whilst the remaining 30% belongs to privatized concession companies.
o If successful, all Selangor water assets will be owned by the Federal Government, but license to operate given to another entity.

3. What is the Selangor State Government’s proposal for a holistic restructuring of the water industry?
o The Selangor State Government is proposing that it would take over the assets of the concession companies, and also pay them their invested equity at a rate of 12% return on investment. This amounts to RM5.7 billion (RM4.6 billion worth of assets and RM1.1 billion worth of equity)
o After this, the Selangor Government would transfer RM4.6 billion worth of assets from the concession companies and RM9.7 billion worth of its own State water assets to PAAB.
o The Selangor Government would then receive RM14.3 billion in cash and bonds from the Federal Government from the sale of water-related assets.
o A special-purpose vehicle would be set up as a corporate entity to consolidate all the four companies together. The State Government owns shares in some of the companies and hence by virtue of these shares would be able to exercise significant decision-making in the consolidation.
o The special-purpose vehicle would apply for an operating license for the water industry in Selangor, leasing the water assets now owned by PAAB to operate at the State level.

4. Why is it important for the restructuring to take place as quickly as possible?
o It is important to expedite the process of restructuring because under the concession agreement, Syabas can increase water tariffs by up to 70%.
o Even if the Federal Government, after giving the operating license back to Syabas (which the Selangor State opposes), decides not to increase the tariffs, the difference will be borne by the State Government and in turn by the people of Selangor.

5. What did the Federal Government do to sabotage the Selangor State Government’s plans?
o Two days before the Selangor State Government’s offer to the concession companies expired, the Federal Government through its regulatory body Suruhanjaya Pengurusan Air Negara (SPAN) announced that it would bypass the State Government to negotiate directly with concession companies.
o Their offers to the concession companies would obviously be a sabotage since they would offer higher prices to the companies, than what the State was offering.
o The Federal Government’s excuse was that the State Government was intentionally delaying the process of negotiation, when in fact the State Government has always provided the Federal Government information every step of the way.
o All four concession companies rejected the offer made by the Selangor State Government, as expected.

6. Why is the Federal Government’s offer to the concession companies considered a bailout of its Barisan Nasional cronies?
o The Federal Government, in paying a hefty amount of money to the concession companies beyond what is reasonable, is effectively bailing out the concession companies from the great debts that they are facing presently.
o After the WSIA 2006 was signed, accounts show that the concession companies made out huge dividends to their shareholders. These large dividends are unacceptable, since the companies are already in debt.
o The CEO of Puncak Niaga was paid RM5.1 million in 2007, and monthly management fee of RM700,000. If the company is in debt, why pay such a high salary to its CEO?
o The Federal Government continues to support its Barisan Nasional crony companies. Syabas sponsors the UMNO General Assembly annually, including in 2009.

7. Why must the Selangor State Government be included in the process of restructuring of the water industry?
o Clause 191(4) and Clause 191(7) of the Water Services Industry Act (WSIA) require that the State Government must be involved in the process of negotiation, as it is a counterparty to the concession agreement signed with the concession companies.
o In a Cabinet decision dated 16th January 2008, it was agreed that the State Government, through its State subsidiary company, Kumpulan Darul Ehsan Berhad (KDEB), would take the lead in negotiating on the restructuring process of the water industry.
o This Cabinet decision has not been revoked, nor any other Cabinet decision made reversing it. Hence, the State still has to be included. Total exclusion is tantamount to being illegal.
o The Selangor State Government by law still has full rights over the State’s raw water. Excluding the State Government is not a wise or practical idea, as it would need to be involved in the eventual outcome of the water industry.
o More than 70% of the state’s water assets are still owned by the Selangor State Government, including those that are being managed by the concession companies now.
o Under the concession agreements, all water-related assets are to be transferred back to the Selangor State Government. If the companies transfer these back to the Federal Government, it would renege on the agreement to have the assets transferred back to the State Government.

8. What is the Selangor State Government asking of the Federal Government?
o The Selangor State Government demands for the Federal Government to terminate the concession agreement with Syabas, based on its mismanagement, corrupt practices, breach of contract and inefficient delivery of services to the people of Selangor, Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya.
o The Selangor State Government demands that the Federal Government to exercise its powers under the WSIA to do so.
o The Selangor State Government is demanding that it continues to take the lead in the negotiations of water restructuring with concession companies, according to the earlier Cabinet decision and along with the spirit of the WSIA.
o The Selangor State Government is demanding that the operating license is not given back to Syabas but to give it to the State Government.
o The Selangor State Government demands for reasonable action to be taken by the Federal Government. If both Governments were to co-operate, this outstanding issue will be resolved more quickly without it becoming a political issue.

9. What options are available for the Selangor State Government, if the situation reaches a stalemate?
o The Selangor Government has met with the Ministry of Energy, Water and Communications and the situation seems to have met with a stalemate.

o The Selangor State Government has submitted its proposal for the Minister to consider carefully, in the holistic restructuring of the state’s water industry and awaits its feedback.

o If all else fails, the Selangor State Government will have no choice but to take legal action against the Federal Government.

为何魏家祥不抨击汝来市议会要求拉务丘晒园华小进行填泥、辟学校路口、筑排水沟和英达丽水化粪池等基建，反而选择性地抨击梳邦再也市议会？

国阵森州政府领导的汝来市议会要求拉务丘晒园华小进行填泥、辟学校路口、筑排水沟和英达丽水化粪池等基建，为何魏家祥不予以抨击，反而却选择性地抨击梳邦再也市议会？

魏家祥日前在国会下议院回答问题时指责雪州民联政府要求敦陈修信华小拨款200万令吉来兴建行校园前的基本建设，包括行人天桥。他还说这是梳邦再也市议会发出住拥证的条件之一。

我要严厉反驳魏家祥的谎言。

梳邦再也市议会从未强制要求该华小拨款200万令吉来兴建这些基本设备。梳邦再也市议会在批文中指出，该校必须照顾学生的路人的安全，因此必须在该校外面的道路，即Persiaran Putra Perdana兴建缓速器、行人交通灯或（atau）行人天桥等等安全建设。

我们要问，堂堂副教育部长的魏家祥博士难道不了解马来文“atau”是什么意思？他是真不知、还是假不懂？

“atau”这个马来文翻译去华文就是“或者”。意即敦陈修心华小可以选择兴建上述照顾行人与学生安全建设之中的其中一项。

更重要的是，敦陈修心华小建委会主席林金辉已经以法定宣誓书的方式回函答复市议会，答应市议会将会构建上述安全建设以及其他建设。因此，魏家祥没有必要针对行人天桥一事大做文章。

一些马华领袖也趁机抨击为何这些属于校园外的基本建设必须由校方负责。这些人士也指责雪州民联政府刁难华小。

这些言论其实都有政治动机，因为传媒也报道由国阵执政的森美兰州政府管辖下的汝来市议会要求拉务丘晒园华小进行填泥、辟学校路口、筑排水沟和英达丽水化粪池等基建，为何这些马华领袖不予以抨击，反而却选择性地抨击梳邦再也市议会？

我呼吁这些马华领袖尤其是身为副教育部长的魏家祥停止以双面人的把戏来掩盖本身的弱点。尤其是在丘晒园华小迁校事件之中，汝来市议会也是以同样的作业标准来审核有关兴建新校舍的申请。

ADUN Kampung Tunku celebrates lantern festival with residents

ADUN Kampung Tunku state assemblyman Lau Weng San’s service centre organised a Lantern Festival at the open car park next to former Ruby cinema, Jalan 21/19 SEA Park, Petaling Jaya on Saturday October 6, 2012.

About 600 people turned up at the event to enjoy the various activities lined-up which included line dance performance and a lantern riddle contest.

Host Lau Weng San led a lantern walkabout with the children and parents carrying colourful candle-lit paper lanterns.

“This event is held to bring the surrounding community together to celebrate the Mid-Autumn festival that show harmony and unity, especially the children who otherwise would have stay home play online games,” said Lau who used his state constituency allocation to fund the event.

Lau thanked the developer SEA Housing Corp. for use of the car park for the community event at no cost to his office.

MBPJ councillor (zone 19) Jeyaseelen said the event was held to foster closer rapport and strengthen unity among the multi-racial residents. He later handed out free reusable bags cycle bags to the residents to encourage them to use the bags every time they go shopping.

The event brought smiles and cheers to 35 children from Prudential Children Welfare Home. They were seen enjoying the fun of eating mooncakes and lighting the lanterns and walking around the streets during the lantern walkabout.

Also present at the event were representatives from Rukun Tetagga Seksyen 20A Paramount Garden and Rukun Tetangga Seksyen 21 Sea Park.

Guests were entertained by a line dance group and treated to mooncakes and food packed in Styrofoam box of Hainanese chicken rice, nasi lemak ayam goreng and Bak Chang (glutinous rice dumpling).

要动用公款解决私人问题，黄冠文公私不分小题大做

（新古毛9日讯）领养新古毛的民联州议员刘永山今日斥马华公会新古毛区州议员黃冠文公私不分，搞不清楚问题就胡乱指责民联政府。

刘永山是针对黄冠文日前在报章针对峇冬加里新村一颗危及行人安全的树木大作文章，抨击民联没有履行政府的责任，砍除这颗树木。

刘永山说，其实投诉者是在今年1月12号向乌雪县议会投诉有关树木。县议会过后发现有关树木其实是一棵私人栽种的芒果树，并于2月3号回复有关投诉者。

“由于县议会不曾栽种果树，意即这颗树木是私人栽种的树木，因此县议会无法动用公款解决私人问题。”

过后，有关投诉者于2012年2月28号向县议会询问可否私底下把该树锯掉，县议会也在翌日回函不反对投诉者这么做。

刘永山说，县议会以相当有效率的方式来处理这名投诉者的投诉，但是我在新古毛的服务中心于2月29号之后不曾收到来自该名投诉者的投诉。

“我们也没有收到任何要求动用选区拨款锯掉该颗大树的申请。既然没有收到申请，加上投诉者原意自费解决问题，那么黄冠文到底在吵什么？”

刘永山对黄冠文公私不分的做法感到十分遗憾。他说：“黄冠文与其呼吁我善用拨款，倒不如他学学民联政府在网络公布所有拨款的内容。”

刘永山也挑战黄冠文公布联邦政府到底每年拨款给乌雪和新古毛多少钱。

“联邦政府这将近五年来到底拨了多少拨款给乌雪和新古毛？身为新古毛州议员的黄冠文是不是应该给乌雪人民一个交代？黄冠文是不是启应该清清楚楚交代所有拨款的去向呢？”

刘永山也说，欲知雪州政府在新古毛的拨款的去向报告可以到以下网址（http://wengsan.blogspot.com/2012/08/laporan-peruntukan-dun-kuala-kubu-baru.html

）查询。

他也提醒黄冠文应好好利用网络科技带来的便利，尽早公布拨款去向报告。

图解：

Surat MDHS 20120112、Surat MDHS 20120203和Surat MDHS 20120229乃县议会给该投诉者的回函，证明县议会积极处理该项投诉。

Tan Tuan Tat Lied To The Media When It Is DAP Central Executive Committee (CEC) Who Has The Only Right To Dissolve Any DAP Branch Under Clause 20 Of The DAP Constitution

As DAP Selangor Organizing Secretary, I would like to clarify a statement made by a sacked DAP member named Tan Tuan Tat in Sungai Pelek, Sepang two days ago that a group of 400 members have resigned from DAP and seven DAP branches are already dissolved.

Under Clause 20 of the DAP Constitution, the CEC has the sole right to establish and dissolve any branches nationwide in which there are due procedure to be followed by the CEC in dissolving any DAP branches.

Tan Tuan Tat also mentioned that there are 400 members resigning from DAP. As of today, DAP Selangor headquarters has only received resignation letter from Taman Seri Sungai Pelek branch vice chairman, S.M. Manohar a/l Sellan dated 20th September 2012.

Tan Tuan Tat also mentioned that seven DAP branches in Sungai Pelek will be dissolved. This is entirely untrue as Tan Tuan Tat is only the chairman of Taman Seri Sungai Pelek branch and he has no right to announce the dissolution of any DAP branches.

The remaining six branches are yet to be registered with Registrar of Societies (ROS) as we suspect that there are phantom members in these branches which is the reason of him sacked from the DAP.

Meanwhile, DAP Selangor has yet to receive the remaining 398 resignation letters. Some members from that branch has already contacted DAP Selangor expressing their will to stay with DAP and have no intention to resign from the party.

Some mainstream media also highlighted that Tan Tuan Tat was an active DAP member who has been with the party for the past 18 years. I would like to clarify that Tan Tuan Tat’s branch was only formed in 2008. Although Tan Tuan Tat was once DAP Selangor Publicity Secretary in 1996/1997, he left his position in 1997 and has since then been a dormant member until after the March 8th political tsunami.

TV3 also interviewed a person named Mahful Wahid, who claimed himself as DAP member. A check with DAP membership data in Selangor shows that there is no such name at all.

Tan Tuan Tat should stop making excuses for his expulsion from the party. He should also stop fabricating lies to cover his own weaknesses. All these accusations will only make him look bad in the eyes of the party members and public.

民联执政中央，巫统说马来西亚变成基督国，马华则说伊斯兰国，证明马华和巫统欺骗人民

我挑战蔡金星和郑修强两人勇敢地站出来解释为何当马华指责民联执政中央政府之后，马来西亚会成为伊斯兰国，反而巫统却说马来西亚会成为基督国？

如果蔡金星和郑修强无法解释这点，这证明他们两人以伊斯兰国议题来攻击行动党的论调都是一派胡言。

要不然身为国阵第一大成员党的巫统和第二大成员党的马华怎么可能会说出如此自相矛盾的言论？

迄今马华和巫统的都不敢解释这个矛盾。其实，行动党高层领导在这方面的立场已经非常清楚，即行动党反对落实伊斯兰刑事法，因为伊斯兰刑事法不符合马来西亚多元宗教和多元族群的背景。

民联共同政纲也没有提及执政之后会落实伊斯兰刑事法，因此马华所做出的指责都是子虚乌有、空穴来风，无中生有的指责。

蔡金星甚至攻击雪州民联，说民联政府禁止使用一个马来西亚的标志。我挑战蔡金星在24小时之内拿出证据证明民联政府已经禁止使用一个马来西亚标志，要不然蔡金星应该立即向雪州民联政府道歉。

如果蔡金星不知道，那么我可以告诉他，打着一个马来西亚标志运作的一马人民商店在雪州已经有至少8家在运作，可说是全马最多的州属。即使是所谓的国阵堡垒柔佛也只有7家而已，国阵“定存州”沙巴砂劳越只有区区三间，数目更是少得可怜。

如果雪州民联政府禁止一个马来西亚标志，为何这8所在雪州境内开设的一马人民商店却可以得到地方政府的执照运作呢？

这证明蔡金星和马华领袖的论述许多时候都是没有经过分析，也没有任何数据才支撑他们的论点。他们的言论更多时候是讲了算。当他们的谎言被揭穿之后，他们可以不负责任地逃避责问。

经过308政治大海啸之后，马来西亚人民的政治思维逐渐成熟，人民对政治人物的诚信度的要求也更高了。蔡金星和郑修强之辈反而背道而驰、背逆民意，以虚假之辞恶言攻击政敌，这是政治角力中最低俗无耻的手段。针对这类政治人物，我相信选民自然会懂得如何惩罚他们。

派月饼庆中秋，刘永山6号办中秋晚会

（八打灵再也2日讯）为了配合华人传统节日中秋佳节，行动党甘榜东姑区刘永山州议员进行了两次免费派发月饼活动。

首次是在9月27日上午10时30分，于双溪威新村巴刹进行派发月饼给予小贩，共派发了200个月饼。隔天（28日）上午10时30分于东南亚花园巴刹进行第二轮的派发月饼活动，共派发了50个月饼。

刘永山也于上述两场派发免费月饼活动的同时赠阅《东姑CAT》刊物给予小贩与民众。派发月饼与《东姑CAT》刊物的过程当中，刘永山亦与小贩进行交流，气氛融洽。当中，有小贩向刘永山反映要求提升巴刹的基施以方便作业，刘永山都耐心听取民意。

除了上述两场派发月饼活动，双溪威新村村委会已在9月29日（星期六）晚上于双溪威新村足球场举办了欢庆中秋晚会，共获得了逾千民众响应。八打灵再也北区国会议员潘俭伟、刘永山州议员、双溪威新村市议员及村长也给予致词。

主办单位除了提供晚餐与月饼给予出席的民众，也准备了许多项精彩的歌舞表演。村长陈有才也抱病上台高歌一曲，赢得了台下民众热烈的掌声。

上述晚宴除了有歌唱舞蹈的传统活动呈现之外，当中有一项令人动容的娱兴节目，即一班来自单亲家庭的小孩（最小仅有两岁半）手中挥着荧光棒随着歌曲起舞。小孩可爱的表演亦赢得了民众的喝彩。

另一项把晚宴推向另一高潮的是，刘永山与民众提灯随龙狮队游新村。这一天双溪威新村的夜晚气氛与平常很不一样，热闹无比。

倘若八打灵再也民众错失双溪威新村中秋晚宴，刘永山在此诚邀民众出席本月6日（星期六）位于东南亚花园旧戏院旁边空地举办的中秋晚会。

此活动是由行动党甘榜东姑区主办，八打灵再也北区国会议员潘俭伟与市议员惹也西兰将会出席。届时，民众除了能免费吃月饼，亦有娱兴节目呈现。此中秋晚宴的活动时间是晚上7点至晚上11点之间进行。

八打灵再也拨款20万为双溪威铺路

刘永山（左二）陪同市议会官员巡视工程的进行。

左起为双溪威新村村长陈有才。右起为市议员助理叶再发和刘永山助理甯生（右二）。

（八打灵再也26日讯）八打灵再也市议会拨款20万令吉为双溪威新村多个路段进行铺路工程。 

甘榜东姑州议员刘永山指出，该工程已在两个星期前开始动工，涉及的路段是第2、3、5 、6 、7 、8 、9 、10 和11路。当局也会重建这些道路的路墩。 

他说，承包商将会先在施工的路段中间7公尺用重型机器铺路，过后承包商将会用较小型的机器铺路面的其他部分。 

“承包商须要在原本已经铺上柏油路的路面进行铺路，包括住家门前面已有柏油路的部分。因此，若承包商或工人在施工期间私下向村民索取额外费用，村民可以不用理会，同时可以直接向市议会投诉。投诉热线是03-79542020。” 

八打灵再也市议员张文强说，市议会在工程动工前一般都会发函告诉居民无须为住家门前的铺路缴付任何费用。 

他说，市议会曾经接获村民诉承包商向居民收取铺路费用。他强调，村民是无须为原本已经是柏油路的住家门前的部分付钱，但是如果居民想要为住家与住家之间，或其他之前不是柏油路的土地铺上柏油，则须另外付费。

Court clears 21, including DAP’s Pua and Catholic priest, in Bersih vigil case

This photo was taken on 9th November 2008 in Petaling Jaya Police District headquarters showing me after assaulted by police shortly after the incident.

Me posing with Father Paulino Miranda, a priest who was charged for participating in an illegal assembly on 9th November 2008.

Taken from Malaysia Insider.
UPDATED @ 03:09:25 PM 18-09-2012 By Nomy Nozwir September 18, 2012

PETALING JAYA, Sept 18 — Twenty-one people, including several opposition lawmakers and a Catholic priest, were acquitted by a Sessions Court today for taking part in a Bersih anniversary candlelight vigil held four years ago.

Sessions Court judge Hayatul Akmal ruled this morning that the prosecution had failed to prove a prima facie case against the individuals, who were earlier charged with participating in an “illegal assembly” under the now-repealed section 27 of the Police Act.

Speaking to reporters outside the courtroom here, lawyer and DAP MP Gobind Singh Deo urged the prosecution not to appeal the matter to a higher court.

“The prosecution clearly did not have strong evidence to prove that the organisers had committed any wrong. Therefore, I hope the Attorney-General’s Chambers will not appeal the matter.

“This is a great victory for us, particularly since this case has been going on for almost three years now,” said the Puchong MP.

The 21, including Catholic priest Rev Father Paulino Miranda, Petaling Jaya Utara MP Tony Pua, Selangor DAP state assemblymen Ronnie Liu (picture) and Lau Weng San, and Petaling Jaya city councillor Tiew Way Keng, were charged with taking part in an illegal assembly in front of the Petaling Jaya City Council (MBPJ) building on October 9, 2008 between 9pm and 10.10pm.

They were accused of refusing a police order to disperse under section 27(5)(a) and section 27(4) of the Police Act 1967 which has since been amended and replaced with a new law allowing for peaceful public rallies.

All the 21 accused, whose ages ranged between 25 and 62, had earlier pleaded not guilty to the charges, which carry a maximum fine of up to RM10,000, and a maximum one-year jail term.

“In the first place, this is not even an offence. So I hope the AGC (Attorney-General’s Chambers) will accept the court’s decision and not appeal,” DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang told reporters today.

Pua, who is also the DAP’s publicity secretary, agreed, saying the vigil participants should not have even been detained as the event had not been violent.

Miranda had said he would rather go to jail than spend a single sen on a fine for his participation in the vigil. — File photo

“We merely gathered, sang ‘Negaraku’, and burned a candle to commemorate the occasion. We did not use violence.

“The Malaysian government should respect every individual’s constitutional right to freedom of assembly,” he said.

In June, Miranda, who is the parish priest of the Catholic church in Shah Alam, told The Malaysian Insider that he would rather go to jail than spend a single sen on a fine for his participation in the vigil.

“Paying the fine would be conceding that what I did was wrong,” he had said.

The vocal priest had also asked his lawyer, Francis Pereira, to write in to the Attorney-General’s Chambers in September last year asking for the charges against him to be dropped following the change in law. It was to no avail.

The public prosecutor wrote back three months later, in November 2011, rejecting his application.

“I’ve decided, simply because as far as I am concerned, I did not do anything wrong.

“The whole thing was a candlelight vigil calling for the abolishment of the ISA,” Miranda said, referring to the recently repealed Internal Security Act, which had been criticised as an outdated law used to clamp down on dissent against the ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) government.

The case has been linked to the two Bersih rallies on July 9 last year and the more recent April 28 assembly in Dataran Merdeka, putting the spotlight on the government’s use of laws to clamp down on dissent, despite having repealed the controversial ISA.

控方无法证明参与黄潮日集会 潘俭伟刘天球等21名被告获释

这是我在2008年11月9日晚上在八打灵再也警局总部所拍下的照片。警方在逮捕我的时候抓伤我。

这是我在今天上午法官作出判决之后在庭外和另一位被告保利诺神父在庭外合影。

摘自《当今大马》
高嘉琪
2012年9月18日 上午11点22分

经过近4年的审讯，八打灵再也地庭今早裁决，21名被控参与2008年11月黄潮日一周年纪念烛光会的在野党议员与社运人士表面罪名不成立，当庭释放。

21名被告年龄介于28至65岁，其中19人是男性，2人是女性。

其中有3人是行动党代议士，分别是八打灵再也北区国会议员潘俭伟、雪州行政议员刘天球与雪州甘榜东姑州议员刘永山。

其余被控的人士包括沙亚南天主教会的神父保罗力诺（Paulino Miranda）、社运人士黄文强、行动党八打灵再也市议员张菲倩及律师阿索（Ashok Kandiah）。

无法证明违反警方指示

承审的地庭法官哈雅都（Hayatul Akmal）判决时表示，控方没有足够证据显示，被告们涉及非法集会及违反警方指示。

法官指出，控方传召的证人彼此供证不一，出现空隙（gap）。所以在这种情况下，疑点利益归于被告。

法官也说，被告被指在八打灵的东部草场（Padang Timur）一带非法集会，但控方没有证据显示这是一场经过策划的集会。

自动集会不需要准证

哈雅都在判决时表示，警方原本禁止他们在八打灵再也市政厅公民礼堂集会，也封锁了现场，之后怀疑同一批人转去了东部草场与Ampcorp广场，因此在东部草场逮捕被告们。
　
惟哈雅都表示，控方没有证据显示被告有策划地在东部草场举行非法集会，他们充其量只是自动聚集（spontaneous），而不是经过策划的集会。

衣着不一非策划集会

她续说，若是这种自动集会，就无需申请警察准证。

哈雅都也以被告们当时不一致的穿着，力证其看法。她说，这些人士身穿红衣、黑衣、黄衣，以及写着“反对内安法令”字眼的衣服，显示这不是一个有策划的集会。

哈雅都也把矛头转向警方的口供不一致，尤其是警方指示驱散的时间。

抓被告却无法解释原因　

哈雅都也逐一唸出各被告获释的原因，当中包括没有证据显示他们在集会扮演的角色，还有警方证人无法解释其中一名被告被捕的原因，以及也有被告是在离场时才被捕。

她指出，尽管被告被控违抗警方的驱散指示，但警方证人供词时所说的警方指示驱散的时间却有所不同 ，包括10点、10点15分等。

“为此，（若）只为了要他们解释这些疑点，法庭的看法是无需喻令被告抗辩；若（此案）有疑点，疑点（利益）应归于被告，我喻令释放被告们。”

希望总检察长不会上诉

哥宾星在休庭后向媒体表示，其当事人案等了4年才盼到审讯结果，过程冘长。

“政府废除警察法令第27条文后发生了很多事，地庭今日下达的是强而有力的判决，我认为总检察署应该好好研究地庭所提出的判案理据。”

“我希望，总检察长不会进行上诉。”

另一方面，现身为被告们打气的行动党国会领袖林吉祥也说，“我欢迎地庭的裁决，但事实上总检察署一开始就不应该提控他们，总检察长也应该更改其思维。”

刚洗脱罪名的潘俭伟则表示，地庭的判决是让集会自由运动取得一次胜利。

这些集会者也在法庭宣判后也在庭内欢呼骚动，令庭警被迫喝止他们，他们随后在庭外开心的举起胜利V手势与竖起姆指。

案件去年开审传21证人

此案是在2011年3月开审，控方共传召21名证人，今年8月14日才审结与陈词。

21名被告是参加于2008年11月9日在灵市公民礼堂的“黄潮日”一周年庆烛光会时被捕。这场活动由净选盟举办，以纪念2007年11月9日为争取选举改革与废除内安法令而发起的第一场净选盟大集会.

黄潮周年活动遭警镇压

当时，警方强行镇压烛光会现场，事先封锁所有进入活动地点的公路，更以粗暴手段逮捕23名人士，包括3名行动党议员和1名《当今大马》录影记者苏克里（Shukri Mohamad）。

2009年1月23日，21名集会者在警方法令第27条文下被控非法集会与违抗警方指示两项罪名。

首控状指他们在2008年11月9日晚上9点至10点10分，在八打灵市政厅广场参加非法集会，抵触警察法令第27（5）（a）条文。

第二项控状指他们违抗警方的解散指示，触犯警察法令第27（4）条文。

这两项的控状刑罚一样，即可在警察法令第27（8）条文下，罚款2000至1万令吉，或最高监禁1年。

此案主控官为莱拉娃蒂（Lailawati Ali），而辩方代表律师则是哥宾星。

以不实数据误导媒体和读者，黄冠文须检讨从政态度

马华新古毛州议员黄冠文日前针对一则民生问题以不确实的数据发表文告谴责乌雪县议会是非常不负责任的行为，也显示马华领袖在大选将近缺乏议题之际竟然铤而走险，以不确实的数据误导媒体和广大读者。

黄冠文日前发表一则文告，谴责乌雪县议会去年接获一名居住在新古毛退休花园（Taman Pesara）的居民投诉，即他住家外面的一颗树过于茂盛，希望县议会能够派员把大树砍掉。

黄冠文说这位居民虽然致函向县议会投诉，但是县议会回函说有关树木并不处于县议会的管辖范围之内，因此无法派员砍掉这棵树木。结果在这个月，这个大树倒下来，破坏其屋子和车镜。

黄冠文也借此机会抨击县议会和本人，没有尽责处理民生问题。

本人在新闻简报之后立即向县议会和负责处理新古毛区县议员杨赞喜接洽，结果所获得的资料和黄冠文在报章所言相差甚远。

该居民确实在去年曾经向乌雪县议会投诉，而乌雪县议会确实回函表示无法协助砍除该颗大树，原因是该树位于私人土地上。这点正是黄冠文故意避开不谈的重点。

县议员杨赞喜更表示，她在事发当天就已经接获投诉者古玛先生的电话，并且在第一时间前往事发地点巡视，她现场拍色的照片已经贴上她本人的面子书（https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.441798915865285.101896.100001055425117&type=1）

根据杨赞喜，附近的居民怀疑这棵树被雷电击中倒下，并挡住古玛先生门前的道路，进而砸坏他的住家部分屋顶和车镜。根据居民的消息，部分居民的家电相信遭雷电击中无法操作。消防队当时已经前来把树桐锯断，让道路通车。

从杨赞喜所拍下的照片，很明显地看到这棵树位于古玛先生住家的斜对面的一个丛林。县议会是基于这片土地是私人土地，因此无法清理该地。

所谓冤有头债有主。我想请教黄冠文，假如有一天他的邻居面对同样的问题，但是这棵树是种在别人的土地上，但是这位邻居反而向黄冠文索取赔偿，请问黄冠文愿意赔偿吗？不是黄冠文种的树，树木也不是种在黄冠文的土地上，怎么可能由黄冠文来赔偿？

同样的道理也适用在这问题，应该赔偿的是那片土地的地主。可惜的是，这片私人土地其实已经荒废多年。其地主下落已无迹可寻。

其次，黄冠文的文告似乎表示乌雪县议会完全没有协助处理这个问题。这是不正确的。乌雪县议员杨赞喜去年就已经和该投诉者接洽，也向他解释县议会无法处理其投诉的理由。杨赞喜甚至还建议他致函本人办公室以寻求援助。可是该投诉者过后并没有这么做。

在这情况下，黄冠文怎么可能诬赖县议会呢？我奉劝黄冠文在处理民生问题上秉持专业的态度。尤其是在处理个人的文告，决不能假手于人，要不然肯定错误百出。

孔子有言：“知之为知之，不知为不知，是智也”。令人遗憾的是，黄冠文选择把这句话倒转来念，变成“知之为不知，不知为知之，是痴也”！希望黄冠文能够悬崖勒马。

Conmen targets elderly ladies in Sungei Way

By The Star Metro

ELDERLY ladies in the Sungei Way new village in Petaling Jaya are being targeted by conmen who take advantage of their vulnerability.

Ooi Lea Choo, 63, said that she received a call about a week ago from a man who claimed that her 38-year-old son had been kidnapped and beaten up.

“The call came at about 1pm. The man spoke in Cantonese and asked for RM30,000. I could hear screaming over the phone and I immediately panicked because I really thought that they had beaten my son,” said Ooi.

Fortunately for her, she immediately called her son and found that he was in fact safe and unharmed.

Kampung Tunku assemblyman Lau Weng San said that at least five ladies living along the same road in Sungei Way had received the same call.

“We suspect that the man making the calls know these ladies well because he knew a lot about their family background. I tried calling back the number and a lady answered the phone saying she had no idea what I was talking about,” said Lau.

Another resident, who only wanted to be known as Mrs Chong, 69, said that she received a similar call telling her that her 38-year-old son working in Singapore had been kidnapped by Ah Longs (money lenders) and was beaten up.

“They also asked me for RM30,000. My husband was not around at that time and I was just distraught. I told them that I would meet them at the cinema to hand them the money but they immediately knew that the cinema was in front of the police station.

“Thankfully, one of my neighbours helped me call my daughter. She immediately contacted my son in Singapore and he was actually sleeping at home,” she said.

Lau said that these cheating cases was quite rampant in Sungei Way.

“Some people would offer residents goods at discounted prices provided that they commit a certain amount of deposit. One lady was cheated off her life savings of about RM70,000.

“I urge those who have come in contact with these conmen or were cheated to lodge a police report. Young adults working away from their hometown should communicate regularly with their elderly parents and update them of their whereabouts so that they do not fall prey to these conmen,” he said.

假阿窿骗说儿子欠钱被打 2妇女镇定没上当

摘自《中国报》

（吉隆坡11日讯）又是电话诈骗案！两名妇女分別接获自称“阿窿”的男子来电，指儿子欠债不还，被人带走殴打，幸两人临危不乱，及时获知儿子仍安全才没上当。

　首名妇女黄丽珠（63岁）是于本月3日下午1时许，接到一名口操粤语的陌生男子来电，告知其大儿子因欠下阿窿多达3万令吉，如今遭人带走及殴打。

不让盖电话

　她今日在甘榜东姑区州议员刘永山陪同召开记者会时说，该名男子要她立即还钱，电话里更传来与其儿子声音相当神像似的求救声音，让她一度真的以为儿子欠债被人打。

　她当时要求对方不要再打儿子及答应付钱，並告知对方身上只有几千令吉，唯对方不让她盖上电话，几乎不让她致电给其他人求助。

　“我最终选择盖上电话，拨电给大儿子確定他正在工作且安全也较安乐，不再接听诈骗者电话。”

　另一名妇女张太太则说，她也在两、三个月前曾遭遇类似经歷，有人拨电指儿子欠债3万令吉，也不让她盖电话，由於儿子身在新加坡，让她极紧张。

　“我告知对方必须致电亲友筹钱，对方警告我勿向亲友透露详情，我则要求邻居帮忙致电女儿，瞭解儿子真正情况。”

　她说，当她发现儿子仍在睡觉才放下心头大石也没上当。”

刘永山：遇骗案速报警

刘永山说，如今有不少诈骗手法出现，居民必须提高警愓。

　他也促请民眾一旦面对诈骗案等，必须向警方报案。

　他指出，电话诈骗者不让事主盖电话，不给机会他们向家人求证，所幸两名妇女皆精明和保持清醒，才有机会求证孩子安全。

　“相信该行骗者来自同一个集团，他们也清楚诈骗对象的情况，希望孩子们应经常与父母保持联繫，让父母了解本身情况。”

RFID由一家公司垄断——蔡智勇是否活在诺奥玛的淫威下？

正当燕窝业者针对装置无线识别视频（RFID）尚未采用一致的立场之前，且大部分燕窝商和燕农反对农业部一意孤行强制燕窝加工厂和出口商装置RFID，蔡智勇和诺奥玛领导的农业部应该抚顺民意。

尽管首相承诺诺在即将签署的马中燕窝出口协议下不会出现强制装置RFID的条文，可是在8月20号燕窝业者和农业部长诺奥玛的对话之中，发现协议之中的第8和第9条文强制要求装置RFID。

蔡智勇身为副农业部长也一度开腔表示强制性装置RFID的要求是中方提出，非马来西亚农业部要求，可是燕窝业者揭发印尼政府最近和中国签署的燕窝出口协定却没有提及RFID，为何马来西亚的燕窝却必须装上RFID？

另外，农业部在装置RFID 的规定上虽然放松了，即从强制性要求燕屋、燕窝散户代理、燕窝收购公司、燕窝储存中心、燕窝加工厂到燕窝出口商都必须装置RFID，放松到只是燕窝加工厂和出口商须装置RFID，但是研发和代理里出售RFID的公司只有一家由农业部制定的公司。

农业部让一家公司垄断RFID的研发和代理权，我惊叹身为专业会计师的蔡智勇竟然可以在这事上保持沉默？还是蔡智勇其实也是活在诺奥玛的淫威之下，完全不敢出声？

除了农业部强制要求装置RFID，燕窝业者（即从燕农、代理、收购公司、加工厂到出口商）还面对其他问题，如毛燕不能完全出口到中国以及过于严格的亚硝酸盐含量。

蔡智勇曾说强制装置RFID是中国的要求，可是东协商务理事会中方秘书处常务副秘书长许宁宁在9月8号的2012年马中企业家大会中表示“中国不会为了保护国内企业，而蓄意设定条件限制大马的产品”。

这是否意味着，中国方面的政策基本上是开放的，出口到中国的燕窝是否须装置RFID也不是中方强制要求的？

因此，蔡智勇应该告诉我们，到底这家获得农业部授权独家垄断RFID研发和代理的公司是否和农业部高层人士有关联？农业部为何只批准一家公司研发和代理RFID？为何蔡智勇在这个课题上一直保持沉默？

Kempen Pendaftaran Pemilih 周末设选民登记柜台 市民赶紧登记

Tarikh: 8-9 September 2012
Masa: 9pagi-12petang
Tempat: Dewan MBPJ Sungai Way, SS 9A,Jalan SS9A/1, Sungai Way 46300 Petaling Jaya.
(Di depan Pasar Seri Setia)

新选民登记：2012年9月8日
新选民登记和更换选举地址：2012年9月9日
时间：早上九点至中午十二点
地点：双溪威新村八打灵再也市政厅礼堂（Seri Setia巴刹对面）

（八打灵再也7日讯）雪州甘榜东姑区州议员刘永山将在9月8日（星期六）和9月9日（星期日）早上9点到中午12点假双溪威新村村委会礼堂举办选民登记运动，欢迎村民和其他地区尚未登记成为选民的马来西亚公民前来登记。

另外，雪州选举委员会也将在9月9日（星期日）当天前来双溪威新村礼堂处理更换投票地点的申请。对此，任何欲转换投票地点的选民也可以在周日当天前来选委会的柜台提出申请。

刘永山也提醒市民，不管是申请成为新选民，还是申请更新投票地点，申请者必须亲自携带本身的正版身份证前来申请。

他说：“选委会将会根据身份证上的地址为选民登记，因此选民必须确保身份证的地址是最新和正确的地址。”

目前，部分想要更换投票地点的选民担心，如果现在提出申请更换投票地点，如果这期间举行选举，恐怕名字将不会出现在选民册。

刘永山呼吁选民不用担心，根据法律，如果这样的情况出现，选民还是回到旧有的投票地点投下神圣的一票。

“虽然首相最近暗示今年11月可能举行全国大选，但是如果选举不在11月进行，反之在明年2月以后举行，那么现在登记投票的选民可能还有机会在明年可能举行的选举投票。”

根据选委会的数据，我国还有332万符合资格的国民还未登记成为选民，其中雪兰莪州就占58万为全国榜首。

因此，甘榜东姑州议员刘永山呼吁双溪威新村和附近花园的居民尤其是年轻人踊跃响应这项选民登记运动。以便能够在大选时能够进行国民义务，选出自己想要人民代议士和政府。

Laporan Peruntukan DUN Kuala Kubu Baru

Laporan Peruntukan DUN Kuala Kubu Baru 2011

Laporan Peruntukan DUN Kuala Kubu Baru 2012 (Sehingga 31 Julai 2012)

黄冠文是否支持联邦政府应该发放选区拨款给民联国会议员？

既然黄冠文质问为何州政府不发放选区拨款给当地的州议员，那么他是否赞成国阵联邦政府也应该发放选区拨款给民联国会议员？

马华新古毛区州议员黄冠文是于8月26日星期日晚上出席新古毛亲善俱乐部周年晚宴上台致词时这么说。

黄冠文在台上也间接揶揄民联政府“吝啬”，因为他在雪州身为在野党议员，也能够拿出几千令吉拨款给神庙和社团。他也说这是他的私人拨款。

其实，一般神庙社团的领导邀请政治人物出席宴会，大多没有强制议员要拨款，更不会要求议员必须拨款特定数目。议员会否拨款，拨款数目多寡，全凭议员本身的决定。议员敲定了数目，不仅主人家不会过问，其他应邀上台演讲的嘉宾，包括来自不同阵营的政治人物应该也不会插手。

可是黄冠文却很特别，因为他喧宾夺主，公开揶揄对手拨款的数量。

既然如此，我也公开质问黄冠文能不能够公开所有自他担任州议员以来的拨款记录？黄冠文是否如何能够证明他在周日拨款给新古毛亲善俱乐部的款项是私人拨款，不是政府拨款？黄冠文能否告诉我们每一年联邦政府发放给雪州每一个州选区的款项是多少？

我要在这里强调，民联和行动党绝对不会和国阵一般见识，在拨款数目上较量，因为我们认为能够真正利惠人民和国家的并不是拨款数目的多寡，而是政府的施政理念和政策。

既然黄冠文在台上公开要求民联州政府应发放拨款给在野党议员，那么他应该呼吁国阵控制的联邦政府同样发放拨款给民联的国会议员。为什么黄冠文会出现双重标准呢？

另外，我也会呼吁黄冠文不要继续躲在神庙、社团或会馆的背后向民联放冷箭。如果一般的神庙、社团或会馆办宴会，政治人物上台演讲虽三句不离本行，也无需刻意以刻薄的语气攻击对手。

如果黄冠文要这么做，那么他应该老早就接受本人的挑战，勇敢地站出来和本人辩论，而不是躲在别人的背后。黄冠文啊，请多多向你的总会长学习吧！

乌雪原住民乡村50年没街灯和巴士站 民联3个月拨款6千解决

图片一：刘永山（左7）在行动党乌雪区主席庄文来（右5）和乌雪区县议员、村委会和村长的陪同下为新古毛Buluh Telur原住民乡村巴士站进行推介仪式。黄衣者为加影市议员李继香。

图片二：刘永山为乡村10支路灯主持亮灯仪式。

（新古毛28日讯）50多年没有路灯，民联政府三个月之内拨款6000令吉为新古毛Buluh Telur原住民乡村建巴士站和10支路灯。

新古毛领养州议员兼民主行动党州议员刘永山日前在新古毛Buluh Telur原住民乡村为这座崭新的巴士站和10支路等进行推介使用。

他说：“民主行动党是接获村民的投诉，指他们在过去50多年一直要求国阵政府提供电流和电灯给村民，让村民在入夜之后能够和其他地区的居民一样享有电灯，以及照亮当地漆黑的道路。”

刘永山说，乌雪行动党过后向土地局申请使用选区拨款，为当地居民建设10支电灯。前后只需3个月左右。

刘永山也说，州政府在黄洁冰行政议员的带领之下也在2009年为当地24户原住民提供电流供应，同时也免费为每一件原住民的屋子设置室内电缆系统。

“从2009年开始，该原住民乡村告别以往漆黑入夜的日子，这是民联政府以民为本的施政理念。”

接受采访的村长Patin Arun表示非常感激民联州政府能够在这么短的时间之内为村民提供电流供应，反观过去50多年国阵政府一直让他们碰钉。

“不仅国阵政府办不到，而且还要村民每一件屋子付900令吉，国阵政府才答应提供电流给我们。对原本收入不高的村民来说，这是一笔沉重的开销。”

除了提供电流街灯之外，刘永山也拨款承建一所巴士站给村民使用。

这所巴士站平时可以让村内的学生免除日晒雨淋之苦，村民也可以在候车亭内打发时间。可谓一举两得。

刘永山说，过去国阵政府一直视原住民选票为他们的定存选票，因此长期忽略原住民乡村 的基本设备，导致过去50多年原住民乡村没有水电供应。如今在雪州民联政府的领导之下，原住民乡村的基本生活设备慢慢获得改善。

Call to conduct audit on Second Bridge

Posted on 26 August 2012 - 09:07pm
By Alyaa Alhadjri (The Sun)
newsdesk@thesundaily.com

PETALING JAYA (Aug 26, 2012): The government has been urged to conduct an immediate audit into the construction of the Second Penang Bridge following last Friday's collapse of the Harbin Yangmingtan Bridge in Heilongjiang province, China.

Kampung Tunku assemblyman Lau Weng San said this is because the contractor that constructed the Yangmingtan Bridge - China Communications and Construction Company Ltd (CHEC) - is also the parent company of China Harbour Engineering Company Ltd which has partnered with UEM Builders Sdn Bhd to construct the 24km Second Penang Bridge from Batu Kawan at the peninsula to Batu Maung at Penang Island.

China's Xinhua news agency had reported that four lorries fell off the Yangmingtan Bridge, which spans across Songhua River, when a 100m ramp section collapsed, leaving three people dead and five injured.

The incident had occurred allegedly due to shoddy construction and overloading despite the bridge being open for only nine months. It had been constructed at a cost of RMB1.88 billion (RM878.23 million).

"Another reason for caution is the construction of the 235km long Tianding-Dingxi Highway in Gansu Province, which is also constructed by CCCC-SHB Meng Xing Engineering Co. Ltd, another subsidiary company owned by CCCC.

"According to media reports in China, the highway was only opened to the public in January 2011 but it has collapsed twice in less than two years," said Lau.

As such, Lau said an independent audit team comprising technical experts must be appointed to review the ongoing construction of the Second Penang Bridge, set to be completed in another two years. This is to ensure that it complies with all safety measures and prevent it from suffering a similar fate.

He added that the audit exercise should be done periodically and its report should also be made public.