100令吉的背后

联邦政府在2012年财政预算案为全国中小学生每人派发100令吉的援助金引起朝野政党的争论。

民联主导的在野党认为，既然国会上下议院尚未通过财政预算案，因此联邦政府不能在学校假期开始前就派发100令吉的援助金。反之，联邦政府必须等到2012年才可以这么做。

民联野党也认为国阵政治人物在学校假期开始前夕进入校园学府派发100令吉援助金乃政治宣传之举。仓促行事。

虽然国阵州议员缺席州议会是常态，但是缺席早上的州议会问答环节却是不曾发生的事情。笔者在11月15日出席雪州议会就发现一个非常罕见的现象，即大部分国阵议员都缺席当天的州议会。后来才知道他们必须在当天进入校园学府派发这100令吉的援助金，以求增加曝光率。

这让我想起多年前，也就是308政治大海啸之后不久，教育部针对校方邀请议员以及名人出席学校的活动曾经多次发出指令。事情的原因是在2009年2月蒲种新明华小董事部邀请雪州州务大臣卡立、国会反对党领袖安华以及其他雪州民联议员出席该校新校舍落成仪式所引起。

当时教育部发出指令，命令校方严守1989年、1991年以及2008年的指令，即校园学府内的所有官方活动必须要邀请教育部长、副教育部长、教育部秘书长、州教育局主任出席。如果校方邀请以上名单以外的人物，那么校方必须事先通过各州教育局获得教育部的允许。

不管教育部的决定背后是否拥有政治目的，既然这是教育部的指令，民联领袖也只能够屈服，因为根据这项指令，即使是国阵议员也无法获得当局的“特别待遇”。

无论如何，国阵的议员最近为了派发100令吉援助金却能够大摇大摆地进出校园学府，有者甚至不是议员，这是否也获得教育部的许可？在他们当中不乏非议员级人马，难道他们比票选议员（不管是民联还是国阵的议员）更具代表性？

这100令吉的背后明显暗藏许多政治议程。当然也有国阵的议员抨击民联政府对国阵议员作出同样的对待。

我不否认雪州州政府和地方政府的在推行各项活动，尤其是州政府在”民本经济“概念下图形的多个惠民计划嫌少看到国阵议员，甚至他们的出席率可说是零。但是，国阵议员已经公开表明不支持州政府的任何惠民计划。不仅如此，乌雪县长曾经透露乌雪区的国阵议员私底下破坏民联州政府的惠民计划。既然如此，邀请国阵议员出席也是枉费心机。

因此，如果有人企图把这两回事混为一谈，那是不正确的。雪州民联政府从执政迄今并没有歧视国阵议员，反而是国阵议员自我边缘化。既然如此，不知教育部是否允许民联议员参与校园学府的官方活动呢？

Abolish Batu Tiga and Sg Rasau toll, gov’t told

Harakahdaily, 28 March 2012

Mar 28: The Selangor state assembly today demanded the Federal government to abolish two tolls along the busy Federal Highway, namely Sg Rasau and Batu Tiga, following the government’s decision to scrap the Cheras-Kajang highway's toll charges earlier this month.

The motion was tabled by Kampung Tunku state assemblyman Lau Weng San and supported by Selangor speaker Teng Chang Khim.

Lau (pic) said the Federal Highway has been the main channel to serve residents of Petaling Jaya, Subang Jaya, Shah Alam and Klang. He noted that it was built in 1974 to make Port Klang a main hub after Singapore's expulsion from Malaysia in 1965.

However, since 1995, Lau said PLUS was tasked by the Federal government to collect toll charges of RM1.10 for cars passing the Batu Tiga toll plaza and RM1.00 for Sg Rasau since 1995.

“So the daily journey will be RM4.20 every day for residents who use the road, especially those in Klang Valley. The worst part is that despite paying toll, they still have to endure massive traffic jams,” he said.

Lau’s motion also got support from Kota Alam Shah state assemblyman M Manoharan, saying the move would help the urban poor.

Tolls abolished, concessionaire profits

Meanwhile, Works minister Shaziman Mansor revealed that the Cheras-Kajang toll abolishment cost the government RM120.55 million as compensation, and resulted in concessionaire Grand Saga Sdn Bhd extending their toll collection by another 15 years to 2045.

In response, Serdang member of parliament Teo Nie Ching said there was no mention of such a deal.

"When prime minister Najib Razak made the announcement on March 1, he was fooling the public. He did not mention about the new agreement," she said.

Belanjawan Alternatif Pakatan Rakyat Sarawak 2012

Dalam perbahasan Belanjawan Selangor 2012 hari ini, saya telah membidas sikap Barisan Nasional (BN) Selangor yang tidak bertanggungjawab kerana tidak membentangkan Belanjawan Alternatifnya di sidang Dewan Undangan Negeri Selangor kali ini walaupun BN Selangor beria-ia untuk merampas kerajaan Selangor daripada Pakatan Rakyat.

Berbeza dengan BN di Selangor, Pakatan Rakyat (PR) di Sarawak yang juga berjiwa besar untuk menjadi parti pemerintah di negeri Bumi Kenyalang ini pula melancarkan Belanjawan Alternatifnya sebagai usaha terbaru untuk mendapat sokongan daripada rakyat Sarawak untuk berubah menjadi parti pemerintah untuk Pillihanraya Negeri Sarawak yang akan datang.

Berikut ialah Belanjawan Alternatif Pakatan Rakyat Sarawak 2012.

增2000职员处理援助金，显示联邦政府执行无能

第二副财政阿末胡斯尼最近作出惊人宣布，说为协助处理500令吉援助金给家庭收入低于3000令吉的申请工作，内陆税收局将增加 2000名职员，副部长的言论让国人不禁吃惊。

此宣布显示出国阵联邦政府派发500令吉援助金的决定只是一项仓卒的即席政策，因为国阵联邦政府在拟定2012年国家财政预算案时，根本没有预算要用到2000名员工来执行政策。

联邦政府拨出了18亿令吉来执行这项政策，根据内陆税收局的统计，目前国内有大约350万户月收入低于3000令吉的家庭，因此，在该笔18亿令吉的拨款当中，有17.5亿令吉是用在那350万户的家庭上，而剩余的5000万令吉则是用在其他还未向内陆税收局登记的家庭，换句话说，在18亿令吉的拨款中，联邦政府并没有考虑到执行政策的预算。

本人质疑，联邦政府是否在最后关头才想到执行政策的难度，以致必须临时将增聘2000名职员的成本编入附加财政预算？

如果以每人平均月薪1500令吉来计算，联邦政府将耗费每个月300万令吉或每年3600万令吉来聘请这2000人，费用之高如何不叫人瞠目？

为何联邦政府不利用现有的人力资源来执行政策？联邦政府是否有意图利用国库的钱财来聘请本身巫统党员来执行发放援助金计划，变相将原本惠民的计划变成巫统的拉票工具？

倘若事实是如此，这显示出以巫统为首的联邦政府一开始并没有妥善地拟定这项计划，相反地却意图以人民的钱财让巫统的党员受益。

唯一可以确定的是，国阵推出此政策是因为民联多次要求联邦政府要照顾低收入家庭，尤其是那些月收入低于3000令吉的家庭，此外，与国阵仓卒的做法相比，民联之前很有远瞻性地主张以最低的成本来执行此政策。

民联很早已经将有关呼吁纳入之前被国阵联邦政府批评将导致国家破产的民联橙皮书（Buku Jingga），既然民联的主张将导致国家破产，为何国阵现在又要效仿民联的主张呢？

这就是国阵至今无法能够回答的问题。

2000 Pekerja Tambahan Untuk Melaksanakan Dasar Bantuan RM500 Bukti Kerajaan Persekutuan Tidak Cekap

Rakyat Malaysia dikejutkan dengan pengumuman Menteri Kewangan Kedua Dato' Seri Ahmad Husni kelmarin bahawa Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri (LHDN) perlu mengupah 2000 orang pekerja tambahan bagi menguruskan permohonan daripada orang ramai bekenaan dengan bayaran wang bantuan RM500 kepada setiap keluarga dengan pendapatan isi keluarga kurang daripada RM3000.

Ini seolah-olah menunjukkan bahawa keputusan untuk memberi bantuan RM500 ini ialah keputusan tergesa-gesa atau keputusan “mi segera” daripada kerajaan persekutuan yang perlu diselit ke dalam Bajet 2012 pada saat-saat terakhir sehingga kerajaan persekutuan tidak menjangka bahawa seramai 2000 pekerja tambahan diperlukan untuk menjalankan proses ini.

Kerajaan persekutuan telah memperuntukan RM1.8 bilion untuk menjalankan program ini. Mengikut angka daripada Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri (LHDN), terdapat kira-kira 3.5 juta keluarga di seluruh Malaysia dengan pendapatan isikeluarga kurang daripada RM3000 sebulan.

Justeru itu, daripada RM1.8 bilion yang diperuntukkan, sebanyak RM1.75 bilion adalah diperuntukkan untuk menampung pembayaran kepada 3.5 juta keluarga ini. Peruntukan yang selebihnya, iaitu RM50 juta ialah peruntukan luar jangka kepada keluarga-keluarga dengan pendapatan kurang daripada RM3000 yang belum berdaftar dengan LHDN.

Dengan perkataan lain, daripada peruntukan RM1.8 bilion ini, kerajaan persekutuan langsung tidak memperuntukkan satu sen pun untuk menampung perbelanjaan emolumen.

Adakah kerajaan persekutuan mendapati terdapat banyak kepincangan dengan dasar ini sehingga mereka perlu mengupah 2000 pekerja tambahan dan kos ini akan dimasukkan kemudian dalam Bajet Tambahan?

Jikalau 2000 orang pekerja tambahan diperlukan dengan gaji purata setiap pekerja ini RM1500 sebulan, maka kerajaan pesekutuan perlu membelanjakan RM3 juta sebulan ataupun RM36 juta setahun. Alangkah tinggi kosnya!

Mengapakah kerajaan persekutuan menggunakan tenaga kakitangan sedia ada untuk melaksanakan dasar ini? Adakah kerajaan persekutuan akan mengambil ahli-ahli UMNO untuk menjalankan program ini dan sekaligus menjadikan dasar ini alat pancing undi?

Jikalau ini ialah apa yang berlaku sebanarnya, maka ini menunjukkan kerajaan persekutuan tidak merancang program ini sebaik-baiknya daripada permulaaan. malahan kerajaan persekutuan di bawah UMNO pula cuba menggunakan duit kerajaan untuk memperkayakan ahli-ahli mereka sendiri.

Apa yang pasti, dasar ini dilaksanakan semata-mata desakan daripada Pakatan Rakyat (PR) yang telah berkali-kali mengingatkan kerajaan persekutuan bahawa untuk membantu golongan berpendapatan rendah, iaitu keluarga dengan pendapatan isi keluarga kurang daripada RM3000 sebulan. Lebih-lebih lagi, dasar ini akan dilaksanakan dengan kos yang paling minimum kerana ianya sudahpu n dalam perancangan PR sejak tahun-tahun kebelakangan ini berbanding dengan BN yang melaksanakan dasar ini dengan cara yang tidak cekap.

Malahan PR juga memasukkan saranan ini dalam Buku Jingga jikalau PR diberi mandat oleh rakyat untu memegang kerajaan persekutuan. Satu ketika dahulu, kerajaan persekutuan yang didalangi Barisan Nasional (BN mengkritik hebat dasar PR ini kerana ianya dikatakan akan menjadikan kerajaan bankrap. Kalau dasar ini akan membankrapkan kerajaan, mengapakah BN pula melaksanakannya sekarang?

Ini ialah soalan yang masih belum dijawab oleh BN sehingga sekarang.

雪蘭莪2010總審計司報告：收入增20.4%乃5年來最高 雪政府盈餘15.8億

摘自《中国报》

（吉隆坡26日訊）根據雪州審計報告指出，雪州政府的盈餘自2006年開始至2008年處于增長的狀況，惟在2009年一度下滑，2010年盈餘再度上升至15億8688萬令吉。

報告顯示，2006年至2008年的盈餘增長43.6%，即從9億9175萬令吉至14億2466萬令吉，卻在2009下滑7.3%至13億1997萬令吉。

到了2010年，情況再度有所改變，從2009年的13億1997萬令吉，增長20.2%或2億6691萬令吉，包括現金產業9億1827萬令吉和6億6861萬令吉投資。

這是因為2010年的收入增加了20.4%或1億2424萬令吉及信託賬戶增加了20%或1億4267萬令吉，2010年的盈餘也是這5年來數額最高的。

這5年的盈餘增長與收入的走勢一樣，即從2006年至2008年都處于增長狀況，唯到了2009年就下跌，2010年又再度增長。

2006年的收入為4億9299萬令吉、2007年為6億2486萬令吉、2008年為6億2486萬令吉；到了2009年下跌9.8%至6億801萬令吉，2010年再增長20.4%或1億2424萬令吉至7億3225萬令吉。

至於信託賬戶，則是從2006年的4億9299萬令吉增加52.7%或2億6312萬令吉至2007年的7億6188萬令吉。

到了2008年和2009年則分別下跌至7億5069萬令吉和7億1196萬令吉，到了2010年又增長20%或1億4267萬令吉至8億5463萬令吉。

現金增長48.8%

雪州審計報告指出，州政府2010年的現金為9億1827萬令吉，比起2009年的6億1720萬令吉增長48.8%或3億107萬令吉。

州政府共有3種現金，即銀行存款、流動現金和零用現金，這3種現金在這兩年 期間都處于增長的狀態。

2009年，州政府的銀行現金為6億1190萬令吉，到了2010年增長48.2%或2億9468萬令吉至9億658萬令吉。

流動現金則在2009年記錄230萬，在2010年增長了643萬令吉至873萬令吉；至于零用現金則從300萬令吉下跌1.3%至296萬令吉。

惟整體的現金報告顯示，2009年與2010年的現金從6億1720萬令吉現金增長48.8%或3億107萬令吉至9億1827萬令吉。

另外，報告也顯示2006年的現金為5億7054萬令吉，2007年為7億7644萬令吉及2008年為7億3364萬令吉。

投資出現下跌趨勢

根據雪州審計報告指出，雪州政府2006年至2009年的投資一直處于增長狀態，唯到了2010年卻出現下跌趨勢，即從2009年7億277萬令吉下跌4.9%或3416萬令吉，至2010年的6億6861萬令吉。

州政府于2006年的投資為4億2121萬令吉，包括了2億9519萬令吉的信託投資和普通投資1億2602萬令吉，一直增長至2007年的6億1030萬令吉、2008年的6億9102萬令吉及2009年的7億277萬令吉。

到了2010年，州政府的投資出現下跌趨勢，雖然信託投資從2009年的3億5227萬令吉增長5.9%至3億7316萬令吉，但普通投資方面則從3億5050萬令吉下跌15.7%至2億9545萬令吉，所以整體的投資減少。

維修道路餘款1.4361億

雪州政府2010年的維修道路餘款為1億4361萬令吉，比2009年的5441萬令吉多出1億805萬令吉。

此維修道路餘款是2006年至2010年期間為數最大的餘款，2010年的維修資金來自2009年的5441萬令吉餘款和中央政府的3億5166萬令吉撥款。

扣除了2億4361萬令吉的修補道路開銷后，還有1億4361萬令吉。

另外，維修排水系統和樂齡基金的餘款分別1360萬令吉及655萬令吉。

存款增長7.9%

雪州政府2010年的存款為1億2855萬令吉，比2009年的1億1919萬令吉增長7.9%或936萬令吉。

2006年，州政府的存款為8799萬令吉，2007年為1億2975萬令吉，2008年卻減少至1億18萬令吉，再持續在2009年及2010年增長至1億1919萬令吉和1億2855萬令吉。

管理開銷降20.9%

雪州政府的管理開銷從2009年的18億2982萬令吉，下降20.9%或3億8256萬令吉至2010年的14億4726萬令吉。

管理開銷包括津貼、服務及供應、產業、固定費用及其他，除了固定費用從12億8309下降8億6864萬令吉，其餘管理開銷都處于增長趨勢。

賺多花少盈餘3億

雪州審計報告指出，州政府2010年的收入為17億5344萬令吉，支出為14億5237萬令吉，還有3億107萬令吉的現金。

相比2009年17億8099令吉的收入及18億9743萬令吉的支出，當時是出現赤字狀況，即超出1億1644令吉的支出。

非收入大幅度下降

雪州政府于2010年的收入為15億7150萬令吉，比起2009年的17億6386萬令吉下降了10.9%或1億9236萬令吉。

雪州審計報告指出，州政府的收入包括稅收收入、非稅收的收入（hasil bukan cukai）和非收入來款（terimaan bukan hasil）。

報告顯示，這兩年的稅收收入和非稅收收入處于增長狀態，唯非收入來卻因面對大幅度的下降，影響州政府的收入。

州政府于2010年的稅收收入為5億1774萬令吉，比起2009年的4億7156萬令吉增長9.8%或4618萬令吉；非稅收的收入則從4億7115萬令吉增長至6億7406萬令吉。

唯由于非收入來款面對從2009年的8億2115萬令吉下降53.8%或4億4115萬令吉，2010年的非收入來款僅3億7970萬令吉。

根據報告顯示，州政府的收入從2006年至2009年也一直處于增長狀態，即從11億6020萬令吉增至17億6386萬令吉，卻在2010年面對下降趨勢。

欠款跌16.6％

2010年州政府的欠款已下跌至9987萬令吉（約16.6％）至5億205万令吉，而2009年則是6億192萬令吉。　　

联邦政府应该修改过时的1975年服务税法令，而不是要求通讯公司展缓征收服务税

我对首相日前促请国内电讯公司重新检讨向预付卡用户征收征收6%服务税的决定以避免加重人民的负担的谈话感到莫名其妙。此外，新闻、通讯与文化部长莱士雅订表示电讯公司今日同意暂时搁置这项征税计划也是治标不治本。

首先，联邦政府是在1975年在国会立法通过服务税法令。在这项法令之下，全马各地除了纳闽岛、浮罗交怡以及联合发展区域都必须针对特定的领域所出售的货物或服务征收服务税。该法令也有一系列的附表阐明哪一种货物或服务必须征收服务税。

在该法令之下，通讯公司必须针对他们所提供的服务和产品一律征收服务税。联邦政府已经制定我国的服务税为6巴仙，因此根据有关法令，国内各电讯公司所提供的服务和产品，包括预付流动电话启动配套或加额固本都必须征收6巴仙的服务税。

人民必须了解征收服务税的意义。当厂家在生产某一产品或提供某一服务以致在生产或提供服务的过程之中也提供服务，那么消费人则必须支付服务税。这种税务一般施加在高档产品或服务。

如今几乎每一名国民都使用流动手提电话，尤其是中下阶层的人民一般都是预付电话的使用者，因此，如果电讯公司向预付电话使用者征收服务税，这已经违反征收服务税的精神，因为有关税务应该只施加在高档消费者。

在过去，通讯公司自1998年迄今已经偿还60亿令吉的服务税给联邦政府。我们无从知道当中有多少巴仙是预付电话的服务税，可是其数目应该是相当可观的数字。

我相信电讯公司是无法继续吸纳这部分成本的情况之下，才无奈地转向消费者开刀。其祸根就是联邦政府宣布把所征收的服务税从5巴仙提高至6巴仙。我也怀疑，通讯公司可能担心联邦政府日后可能再把服务税提高，所以才选择提早向预付流动电话使用者宣布征收服务税，以免到了水涨船高的时候才来征收面对更激烈的反弹。

我认为联邦政府在这个通货膨胀日益高涨的年代，还要强硬提高政府税收的做法，无疑是让人民在这么艰难的日子里百上加斤。如果以纳吉为首的中央政府真的有诚意解决问题，就应该在即将公布的明年财政预算案上废除有关的政府税收，而不是将有关税收强硬的加在业者或是消费者身上。

更重要的是，纳吉应该修改1975年服务税法令，免除许多已经普及化产品和服务的服务税，减轻消费者的经济负担，加强马来西亚商家的竞争能力。

What we can do to sail through stormy time ahead

by Thomas Seng-Hock Lee

We are all set for a hard time in the almost immediate future, with some of us becoming unemployed, others underemployed, and a few facing the prospect of becoming bankrupts. So, the immediate measure is to cut our spending. I suggest taking the following steps:

(1) stop subscription to paid TV (saving at least RM100 a month),
(2) cut fixed phone line and use only prepaid HP (saving at least of RM50 a month),
(3) don't buy newspapers, read news online (saving at least RM60 a month,
(4) have only one dish for each meal, instead of the current three or four dishes (saving of at least RM10 a day, which works out to RM300 a month),
(5) have only two meals a day -- brunch and dinner (saving at least RM10 a day or RM300 a month),
(6) drink only boiled water, no need for other beverages (saving at least RM3 a day, i.e. RM90 a month),
(7) don't eat out -- take food and drinking water to work (can save RM10 a day or RM300 a month),
(8) cut down on driving, reducing petrol cost, toll charges and parking fees (saving of about RM200 a month),
(9) reduce 50% use of shampoo, toothpaste, etc (saving of RM2 a day, i.e. RM60 a month),
(10) Use handkerchieves, instead of buying tissue papers (saving at least RM1 a day, i.e. RM30 a month),
(11) forgo new clothing for Christmas and New Year, etc (saving at least RM500 for a family of four),
(12) cut down on expenses for festivals and celebrations (like birthdays) and save at least RM100 a month,
(13) go to government hospital for treatment and medication, instead of visiting private clinics or hospitals. I save nearly RM200 a month on my daily medication using the Klang general hospital,

and

(14) Vote Pakatan Rakyat at next general election to save the country from bankruptcy caused by a corrupt administration.

Malaysia should focus on the production of second generation biodiesel using waste oil instead of palm oil

The federal government should redirect its focus to produce biodiesel or biofuel using waste oil instead of precious palm oil which is food product by itself.

Plantation Industries and Commodities Deputy Minister Hamzah Zainudin said that the fuel is currently sold at six petrol stations in Putrajaya and 107 petrol stations in Malacca. He said that beginning 1 August 2011, 156 petrol stations in Negri Sembilan would sell the B5 palm-oil based biodiesel. As many as 247 petrol stations in Kuala Lumpur will begin selling B5 on Sept 1 and then Selangor will follow suit on Oct 1 with 634 stations offering the fuel to customers. He said that so far, there will be 1,150 petrol stations in the central region retail the B5 biodiesel.

While claiming that there is no adverse effect of palm oil-based biodiesel reported to date from the use of palm oil-based B5 biodiesel in diesel engine vehicles, the government should redirect its focus by utilizing waste oil to produce B5 biodiesel instead of using palm oil.

The utilization of palm oil or other feedstocks to produce biodiesel has sparked off the “food vs. fuel” dilemma in some countries. According to Wikipedia, “Food vs. fuel” is the dilemma regarding the risk of diverting farmland or crops for biofuels production in detriment of the food supply on a global scale.

Although Brazil has been considered to have the world's first sustainable biofuels economy and its government claims Brazil's sugar cane based ethanol industry has not contributed to the 2008 food crisis, Malaysia should not take the dilemma lightly as an unsustainable biofuel policy will definitely dampen the economic burden of Malaysians with higher prices of cooking oils.

I urged the government to also study the possible negative impact of mass production of biodiesel or any other types of biofuel which will affect prices of food items. It will be counterproductive if the government were to further subsidise food items if a further price hike for food items happened due to the production of biodiesel from food items like palm oil with the intention of reducing subsidies for fossil fuels. Such treat cannot be taken lightly as Malaysia is currently producing biodiesel from crude palm oil which is also a raw material to produce edible cooking oil in Malaysia.

One alternative that we should explore is to utilize waste industrial oil and waste cooking oil to produce second generation biodiesel as these byproducts are readily available in large quantity with lower cost of production. However, more researches are required to study its feasibility. I believe our government will be investing in the right direction if more allocations are channeled for such researches to be carried out.

Environmental protection and greener surrounding is not for show only. It is something that we have to work hard in order to bear fruits.

国阵政府应该立即下调 Ron 95 的油价，以实际的方式减轻人民的负担以及减低通货膨胀

随着国际WTI原油价格今日已经跌至每桶81美元，国阵中央政府应该立即根据国际原油价调整国内油价，尤其是大多数国人使用的Ron95汽油。

中央政府曾经答应将会根据国际原油价格的波动来调整Ron97汽油的零售价格。虽然如此，当国际原油价格从今年开始冲高，政府除了调涨Ron97汽油的零售价格之外，也调涨Ron95汽油的零售价格。

目前Ron95汽油的零售价格是每公升1令吉90仙。虽然目前国际原油价格已经大幅度下滑，但是中央政府似乎没有意愿下调Ron95燃油的零售价格。反而政府曾经宣布将会考虑下调Ron97燃油的零售价格。虽然如此，政府迄今尚未作出任何行动，下调Ron97燃油的售价。

正当国内各族同胞同欢佳节之际，政府却对调低燃油价格一事无动于衷。这令人感到失望。原因是政府曾经答应将会根据国际燃油价格调整Ron97燃油的价格，为何迄今政府尚未作出行动呢？

第二，虽然政府没有提及Ron95，但是我们不应忘记，当今年国际原油价格重新冲高之际，中央政府把Ron95和Ron97燃油的售价双双提高。可是为何当国际原油价格下滑的时候，政府却选择下调Ron97燃油的零售价格，而不是Ron95呢？难道政府当初调高Ron95燃油的零售价格也不是因为国际油价高涨吗？

中央政府如果要真正体恤低下阶层人民面对高通膨压力，那么下调Ron95燃油的售价是势在必行，尤其是各族同胞将会在8月至10月庆祝国庆日、开斋节、中秋节和屠妖节。如果Ron95燃油价格不能根据国际原油价格下滑而获得调低，那么人民肯定会面对更高的通膨压力。

目前，人民因为生活开销不断的上涨以及家庭的开销入不敷出，所以人民都生活在水深火热中，其中一个主要的原因就是油价不断的往上调。降低油价不但可以解决拥车人士的负担，更可以暂缓日益高涨的通货膨胀问题。

事实上，我国是原油出口国，根本不需要像新加坡、泰国等国家一样打贵油。我国每年因原油所获得的利润数以亿计。所以政府根本没有任何的理由拒绝人民降低油价的要求。因此，中央政府不要整天只会喊口号要让人民过好的生活，而应该以实际的行动来为民解困。

马华是否变得越来越不重要，以致他们连最基本的数据也无法掌握清楚？

我对某些人士最近针对本人在州议会所提出的问题而通过媒体抨击本人和雪州民联政府感到非常惊讶。

我是在4月的雪州州议会针对州政府打算在八打灵再也SS8的一片土地上进行一项称为“PJ Elevated City”的项目而发问，尤其是州政府曾经提到该项目也涵盖兴建能够容纳1万名工友的宿舍。

数日前，雪州马华公会公共投诉局主任汤木指责本人更加关心外国人的住宿问题，并且利用外国人作为理由来发展该地段。

其中一家英文网络媒体“Free Malaysia Today”甚至引述汤木的谈话，即“八打灵再也的人民要小心！”以及“他们正夺走你们的土地”。其法律顾问林春景律师更指出这项计划将会严重打击出租屋子给外劳的双溪威新村村民收入。

他们的言论再次显示马华公会在公共议题方面极其低落的论述能能力，因为他们的领袖无法掌握最基本的数据。这也显示马华领袖杂乱无序的政治思维，一直他们往往为了争取上报，以致他们的言论和文告往往漏洞百出、甚至毫无根据。

事实上，“Petaling Jaya Elevated City”是州政府打算通过雪州发展机构（PKNS）所推出的综合性发展项目。这意味着政府要兴建的不仅是工友宿舍而已，也包括商业大楼、休闲设备以及各类型的高密度住宅区。

马华也抨击州政府没有提供足够的房屋给雪州子民。他们更以联邦政府最近推出的22万房子作为所谓的“反面教材”来揶揄雪州民联政府。

马华这个说法一再显示他们的弱点，因为雪州民联政府确实最近在万宜推出面积介于750至850平方英尺，价格不超过10万令吉的保障住房（affordable housing）。负责掌管房屋发展的雪州行政议员伊斯干达表示这项计划将有雪州发展机构（PKNS）全权发展。一般来说，保障住房的面积是介于750到850平方英尺之间。无论从面积和舒适程度来说，保障住房将比过去的廉价组屋还要更好。

更重要的就是价格。雪州政府推出的保障住房售价为10万令吉，即比中央政府推出的“我的第一家园”房屋还要便宜至少12万令吉。难道这不是民联政府为民提供更多保障住房的努力吗？如果不是，那么马华公会又有什么道德制高点来抨击民联政府，尤其是联邦政府推出的房屋比雪州发展机构的保障住房还要贵至少12万令吉？为何马华能够对这点视而不见，听而不闻？还是马华公会真的变得越来越不重要，以致他们连这最基本的数据也无法掌握清楚？
我在州议会提出这个问题，乃是因为双溪威新村的外劳人口过度密集。双溪威自由工业区的厂家所聘用的外劳女工大多都是居住在双溪威新村的外劳宿舍。在双溪威新村600家屋子之中，有至少100家屋子已经改造成数层楼高的印尼女工的宿舍。每一间宿舍至少容纳60至100名女工。这造成双溪威新村的人口过于密集，也导致许多社会问题如卫生问题、基本建设问题等等。当我们几乎每天都接获村民的投诉之际，雪州马华却批评州政府兴建外劳宿舍将会影响本地房东的收入。这证明马华与草根人民的生活严重脱节。

对雪州来说，除了要吸引本地和外来投资之外，州政府也必须提供充足的人力资源，包括知识型员工来推动雪州的经济发展。因此，学州政府已经要求所有工业园的发展商，包括雪州发展机构承建足够的员工宿舍，以避免引发更多潜在性的社会问题。这也让工业园的管理层能够更有效地管理工业园内工作的外劳。

迄今，雪州依然缺乏将近6万名员工，这显示投资者依然对雪州充满信心。无论如何，我们不能满足于现状。如果州政府无法协助投资者解决他们的问题，投资者将会舍我们而去。总的来说，雪州必须时刻保持竞争力方能吸引投资者。为了证明这点，我引述前新加坡财政部兼首相署秘书长严崇涛在其书《一名状元与公共政策的制定》的一篇文章，这本书的第64页提及双溪威自由工业区：

“就在这个时候，曾振木成功吸引手机先驱摩托罗拉考虑在新加坡设立他们的海外生产大本营。后来摩托罗拉告诉我们他们的公司不允许设立职工会的政策之后，我们的喜悦就变成失望。当我们无法劝告全国职工总会即使在原则上接受这个要求之后，摩托罗拉专项马来西亚八打灵再也投资。我每次上吉隆坡出席货币局的会议经过摩托罗拉工厂时，我都会感到妒嫉。”


我谨此附上我在州议会针对这个项目所获得答复：

PERTANYAAN-PERTANYAAN MULUT DARIPADA
Y.B. TUAN LAU WENG SAN
(KG. TUNKU)

TAJUK : PJ ELEVATED CITY

202. Bertanya kepada Y.A.B Dato’ Menteri Besar:

a) Meminta kerajaan negeri memberi penerangan terperinci terhadap projek “PJ Elevated City” ini, khususnya terhadap pembinaan kompleks asrama yang akan menempatkan 10,000 pekerja kilang?

JAWAPAN :
a) Mesyuarat MTES pada 16hb September 2009 telah memutuskan pembangunan di tanah milik Kerajaan Negeri dan MBPJ seluas 20 ekar perlu dibangunkan dengan mengambil kira keperluan Western Digital (10,000 unit asrama dan 3000 tempat letak kereta) dan MBPJ (bengkel dan pejabat) .

Tapak cadangan akan berfungsi sebagai “service centre” bagi perindustrian FIZ. Kawasan ini akan dibangunkan dengan kemudahan perdagangan, rekreasi dan perumahan berkepadatan tinggi (apartmen/apartmen servis/studio apartmen). PKNS telah dilantik sebagai pemaju dan MBPJ adalah pemilik sebahagian tanah.
Konsep pembangunan yang telah diluluskan oleh MTES pada 15hb Jun 2010 merangkumi komponen-komponen berikut :-
i. Hostel penginapan bagi 10,000 pekerja
ii. Tempat letak kereta tambahan sebanyak 3,000 petak untuk kegunaan industri sedia ada
iii. Kegunaan perdagangan (pejabat, retail, service apartment) dan
iv. Perumahan jenis apartmen

Kemajuan projek setakat ini masih diperingkat pengemukaan pelan cadangan dan penetapan tapak gentian bengkel.

MCA becoming more irrelevant when they can’t even get their facts right on Petaling Jaya Elevated City

I am very surprised to read some of the criticisms thrown at me and the state government on an issue that I had raised in the previous state assembly and recently in a press conference.

I asked in the state assembly during the April session a question on a proposed development named “PJ Elevated City” on a piece of land in SS8 Petaling Jaya, especially on the part of the construction of hostels which accommodate more than 10,000 factory workers.

A few days ago, Selangor MCA public services and complaints bureau head Theng Book accused me of being more concerned about foreigners than Malaysians, and using the foreigners as an excuse to develop the land.

Theng Book even said “Watch out, people of Petaling Jaya” and “They are taking all your land”, as reported in Free Malaysia Today, an online news portal. MCA legal adviser Lim Choon Kin, also pointed out that the project will drastically affecting the income of house owners in the area, who rent rooms to foreign workers.

Their statements reflect the poor performance of MCA leaders in dealing with issues as they cannot even get their facts right. This is only to show that MCA leaders are in desperado mode that they have to get themselves some quick media exposure, even if they have to issue partially wrong or totally wrong and unfounded statement.

As a matter of fact, “Petaling Jaya Elevated City” is a mixed development comprising not only the said hostels for factory workers but also commercial and recreational facilities as well as various high density residential projects.

They also accused the state government of not providing enough affordable homes to the people of Selangor, citing example that the federal government cares for the poor people by providing affordable homes which are to be sold at RM220,000 a unit.

This is another example on how irrelevant MCA is as they cannot even get the fact correct again. The Selangor PR state government Selangor had in fact launched an affordable housing scheme in Bangi not too long ago. Iskandar Samad, the state EXCO in charge of housing, told that the project will come under the Selangor State Development Corporation (PKNS) and this affordable housing scheme actually has houses that are bigger (750 to 850-sq ft) and more comfortable than low-cost houses, which are only 660-sq ft.

More important is that the maximum cost for each house is RM100,000, which is RM120,000 cheaper that houses built by the federal government under “My First Home Scheme”. If this is not PR’s commitment to provide more affordable homes to the people, then what authority does MCA have to criticize PR when homes to be built under “My First Home Scheme” are sold at RM120,000 higher than PKNS’ affordable homes? MCA cannot be so ignorant to ignore this fact or is it that they are becoming more and more irrelevant that they can’t even get their facts right?

The reason why I raised this question during the previous sitting of the State Assembly is because of the over-population in Sungai Way new village caused by a huge influx of factory workers who are mainly foreigners. No more than 100 houses out of 600 houses in the new village are converted into multi-storey hostels. Each hostel can easily accommodate 60 to 100 workers and the whole new village is over-crowded and choked with all sort of social, cleanliness and infrastructure problems. When we receive complaints from villagers almost on a daily basis, MCA Selangor’s criticism that the state government’s move is affecting the incomes of the locals who rent out their premises to foreign workers simply shows how disconnected MCA are from the ground.

More over it is very important for Selangor, not only to attract enough foreign and domestic investments, but also to supply sufficient labours, including knowledge workers to fuel the economic growth in Selangor. Therefore, the Selangor state government has requested all developers of industrial parks, including PKNS to also provide enough accommodation for both foreign and local workers to alleviate any potential social problem. This will also enable the management of the industrial parks to better manage foreign labours working in the industrial parks.

The fact that Selangor still lacks 60,000 workers proves that investors are still confident with Selangor. However, we shall not take things for granted. Investors will leave for better environment if the state government is incapable to fulfill their requirements. In short, Selangor must be competitive enough to attract investments.

In order to substantiate this, I would like to provide an extraction of a write up from Ngiam Tong Dow, former Permanent Secretary (Administrative Vice-Minister) of the Singapore Ministry of Finance and the Singapore Prime Minister’s Office. In his book entitled “A Mandarin and the making of public policy: reflections By Ngiam Tong Dow”, he wrote in page 64 and I quote:

“Around this period, Motorola, the handphone pioneer, was successfully wooed by Mr Chan Chin Bock to consider Singapore as one of their offshore manufacturing bases. Joy turned to anguish when Motorola told us that their company had a ‘no union’ policy. When EDB could not persuade the National Trade Union Congress (NTUC) to accept this even on principle, Motorola left for Petaling Jaya, Kuala Lumpur (KL) in Malaysia. Every time I went to KL for Currency Board meetings, the gleaming Motorola factories on the way to town turned me green with envy.”


I hereby attach a copy of the answer I have from the State Government to further clarify the matter.

PERTANYAAN-PERTANYAAN MULUT DARIPADA

Y.B. TUAN LAU WENG SAN(KG. TUNKU)

TAJUK : PJ ELEVATED CITY
202. Bertanya kepada Y.A.B Dato’ Menteri Besar:

a) Meminta kerajaan negeri memberi penerangan terperinci terhadap projek “PJ Elevated City” ini, khususnya terhadap pembinaan kompleks asrama yang akan menempatkan 10,000 pekerja kilang?

JAWAPAN :
a) Mesyuarat MTES pada 16hb September 2009 telah memutuskan pembangunan di tanah milik Kerajaan Negeri dan MBPJ seluas 20 ekar perlu dibangunkan dengan mengambil kira keperluan Western Digital (10,000 unit asrama dan 3000 tempat letak kereta) dan MBPJ (bengkel dan pejabat) .

Tapak cadangan akan berfungsi sebagai “service centre” bagi perindustrian FIZ. Kawasan ini akan dibangunkan dengan kemudahan perdagangan, rekreasi dan perumahan berkepadatan tinggi (apartmen/apartmen servis/studio apartmen). PKNS telah dilantik sebagai pemaju dan MBPJ adalah pemilik sebahagian tanah.
Konsep pembangunan yang telah diluluskan oleh MTES pada 15hb Jun 2010 merangkumi komponen-komponen berikut :-
i. Hostel penginapan bagi 10,000 pekerja
ii. Tempat letak kereta tambahan sebanyak 3,000 petak untuk kegunaan industri sedia ada
iii. Kegunaan perdagangan (pejabat, retail, service apartment) dan
iv. Perumahan jenis apartmen

Kemajuan projek setakat ini masih diperingkat pengemukaan pelan cadangan dan penetapan tapak gentian bengkel

Young Adults Not Benefitting From “My First Home Scheme”

The newly launched “My First Home Scheme” is not benefitting much young adults in Klang Valley as most decent property in Klang Valley are sold at prices higher than RM220,000.

Although the scheme is opened to young adults who are 35 year-old or below, it is only limited to young adults or couples who work in private sector. Young adults who are free-lancers, working on their own or running their own business are not eligible to apply even though his or her spouses work in private sector.

More importantly, the loan amount limit of RM220,000 is totally impossible to benefit any potential young adult in Klang Valley as a decent house would cost easily RM250,000 to RM400,000. Some even goes up to above RM500,000 based on location.

Potential buyers who wish to benefit from this scheme can only consider properties at sub-urban areas like Semenyih, Dengkil, Kuala Langat, Kota Kemuning, Kuala Selangor, Rawang etc. However, huge transportation cost, long driving distance and duration are the major detering factors for young couples and young adults to move to these areas.

The federal government should instead stabilise the price of properties in Selangor and Kuala Lumpur, in particular Klang Valley whereby Klang Valley is a major magnet in attracting young adults from all over the country to work, study and live in.

The federal government should also notice that there is a huge influx of young adults into Klang Valley and other major cities in the Peninsula to work, live or study. Their demands of a decent living space are on the rise but property prices in Klang Valley are simply beyond their means. Such scheme should be designed for them to own their dream homes in these areas.

I call on the federal government to first abolish Bumiputera housing discount for properties above RM500,000 to allow the developer to sell such property at market rate. In return developers will be able to further reduce the prices of medium cost properties to cater the needs of young adults. With this, buyers of all races can benefit from lower prices of properties in town.

I further call on the government to raise the loan limit to RM350,000 and open the scheme to young couples even though one of them are not working in the private sector. With this, if one of the couple is a free-lancers or working on his/her own, his/her spouse who works in private sector can still apply for such loan.

Kerajaan Selangor Bantu Usahawan Melayu

Kerajaan Selangor di bawah pentadbiran Pakatan Rakyat akan terus membantu usahawan Melayu yang berkecimpung dalam pelbagai bidang perniagaan.Menurut EXCO yang bertanggung jawab, Y.B Dr Yaakob Sapari berkata, Kerajaan Negeri sangat komited dalam memastikan usahawan-usahawan bumiputera untuk terus berjaya dalam bidang perniagaan yang diceburi.

Tambahnya lagi, sepanjang 3 tahun Kerajaan Pakatan Rakyat memerintah, sejumlah RM 3 Juta peruntukan telah disalurkan kepada usahawan Industri Kecil Sederhana (IKS) di bawah Dana Industri Kecil. Dana tersebut diwujudkan bagi membantu usahawan membeli peralatan atau mesin bagi meningkatkan produktiviti pengeluaran mereka. Dana ini diberikan kepada meraka yang layak dan telah memulakan perniagaan sekurang-kurangnya 2 tahun.

Hasil daripada dasar ini, hampir 350 orang usahawan telah berjaya mengembangkan perniagaan dan meningkatkan hasil jualan mereka. Beliau juga berkata, usaha ini sangat berkesan apabila kerajaan memberi bantuan terus kepada golongan usahawan sasar di mana konsep yang ditekankan adalah “own operator”.Menurut beliau lagi, konsep ini bertujuaan bagi memastikan usahawan yang dilahirkan mampu berdaya saing dalam pasaran semasa.

Ini jelas menunjukkan bahawa Kerajaan Selangor Pakatan Rakyat adalah sebuah kerajaan yang prihatin dan telus dalam membantu usahawan bumiputera. Pada masa yang sama juga, Kerajaan Negeri turut membantu golongan usahawan daripada kaum Cina dan India tanpa ada sikap prejudis terhadap mana-mana kaum.

Selain itu juga, Kerajaan Negeri turut menyediakan kursus-kursus keusahawanan supaya usahawan tersebut dilengkapi dengan ilmu pengetahuan perniagaan seperti pengurusan kewangan syarikat,strategi pemasaran, dan lain-lain.

Mengulas kenyataan Tun Dr. Mahathir tentang Dasar Ekonomi Baru (DEB) perlu diteruskan bagi membantu usahawan Melayu, Y.B Dr. Yaakob berkata, dasar yang diperkenalkan oleh Barisan Nasional (BN) adalah satu dasar yang pincang.

Y.B Yaakob yang juga ADUN Kota Anggerik berhujah, DEB yang dilaksanakan oleh BN hanya membantu ahli UMNO dan kroni-kroni mereka. Natijahnya, apabila usahawan-usahawan yang tidak layak ini diberi bantuan,maka lahirlah usahawan Ali Baba yang hanya mengaut keuntungan atas angin sahaja.

Pejabat Y.B Dr. Hj Yaakob Sapari
EXCO Kerajaan Negeri Selangor

雪州民联政府继续推出200万微型贷款协助低下阶层

[民主行动党甘榜东姑州议员刘永山于2011年2月19日在八打灵再也双溪威新村村委会农历新年联欢会所发表的演讲词]

雪州政府日前正式推出城市贫穷微型贷款计划，协助低下阶层人民通过贷款进行小本生意，达到自足自给的目的。这项计划的马来文名称是Program Mikrokredit Miskin Bandar，或简称为Mimbar。

Mimbar目前是由州行政议员兼吧都知甲（Batu Tiga）州议员洛西娅负责管理。州政府在开始阶段提供2百万的资金给Mimbar。在2010年，州政府通过行政议员哈山阿里推行总值6百万的乡区微型贷款计划（SkimSEL），以协助乡区人民经营小本生意。虽然名称和范畴不一样，但是两者的目的和方式大同小异。

微型贷款的目的不外是协助穷人通过小本生意翻转他们的命运，无需仰赖政府提供的社会援助。我们的社会有一句话：“与其给鱼，倒不如教导如何捕鱼”。因此，雪州民联政府推行微型贷款计划也是要达到这个目的。

这总值8百万的微型贷款全部都是从当初雪州民联政府收购达南机构的烂账所追讨回来的。如今州政府已经收取部分的烂账，为了让人民能够直接从中受惠，州政府推出微型贷款给低下阶层。

Mimbar不分种族、政治和宗教背景地公开给所有18岁以上的雪州子民，条件是个人财产不得超过5万令吉。Mimbar将依据申请者的经济负担如婚姻状况、儿女数量等等，提供2000令吉至3000令吉的微型贷款。成功获得微型贷款的人士必须在12个月之内通过分期付款的方式偿还贷款。有兴趣者可联络地方上的州议员以获得更多详情和申请表格。

在2008年11月，时任副首相纳吉曾经宣布总值马币70亿元的经济刺激配套，该配套包括一个2亿令吉的微型贷款，目的是协助人民创办小型企业。政府也将拨出一亿元的周转基金，作为城市微型贷款计划。企业家经济基金Tabung Ekonomi Kumpulan Usaha Niaga - TEKUN）也是一个提供微型贷款的企业发展机构。

看起来，这是个很好的概念。可是仔细研究，便发现巫统主导的政府仍然实行种族政策，因为，该会的网页注明申请者的第一个条件必须是“18岁至65岁的土著”。显然，非土著公民不符合申请微型贷款的条件。这个歧视性的申请条件使非土著不得不向银行贷款，抵押他们的产业和偿还高利息。一些没有产业的非土著甚至被逼向“阿窿”借钱，结果欠下满身债。

这个歧视性的条件只会继续边缘化华人、印度人和其他非土著族群，最终微型贷款计划无法惠及所有人民。当全球经济危机的影响日益显著，数个小型企业业主前来我的办公室，要求政府提供紧急贷款作为生意的周转基金。有些不得不关闭他们的工厂，他们长期经营的事业毁于一旦，也导致工人失去工作。

企业家经济基金可以在14天内批准500元至5万令吉的贷款，并在48小时内批准少过3千令吉的贷款。根据官方数据，1999年至2008年之间，企业家经济基金已发放13亿元给17万1148名借贷者。作为改变的第一步，政府应该马上废除企业家经济基金会的歧视性条件，确保这个微型贷款计划向全民开放。

SELANGOR STRIKES PARTNERSHIP WITH INDONESIAN PRIVATE FIRMS TO ASSURE EFFICIENT LABOUR SUPPLY AND PROTECT INTERESTS OF MIGRANT WORKERS

PRESS STATEMENT

FEB 11, 2011

The Selangor Government established a cooperation with Indonesia’s Gabungan Pelaksana Penempatan (PPTKIS) to create a database of migrant labours to work in Selangor’s industrial sector.

State owned Selangor State Investment Center Berhad (SSIC Berhad) will be tasked with developing this database and will be a clearinghouse for obtaining Indonesian labour, as practised by Indonesia in other countries.

Menteri Besar, YAB Tan Sri Abdul Khalid Ibrahim, said that when this database is fully completed, local and international companies in Selangor with a genuine need for legal foreign labour can use the services provided by SSIC Berhad.

"SSIC Berhad will serve as a facilitator, and with this database, efforts to hire Indonesia workers will be easier and more streamlined,” he said.

He was speaking at the signing of a memorandum of understanding (MoU) between the SSIC and Gabungan PPTKIS in Hotel Sultan, Jakarta today. Gabungan PPTKIS Indonesia are five private companies involved in the migration of labor to Malaysia.

The event was also witnessed by the Deputy Minister of Manpower of Indonesia, Hidayat and the majority of the Selangor Government Exco, Teresa Kok, Dr Xavier Jayakumar, Dr Halimah Ali and Chief Executive Officer of SSIC, Datuk Mohd Jabar Ahmad Kembali.

Tan Sri Abdul Khalid said the move would not only ensure the efficient supply of labor, but also monitor whether workers hired are legal and thus address human trafficking activities.

"Selangor is the first state government in Malaysia that has set up an Anti-Trafficking Council to prevent trafficking and this cooperation is yet another addition to our efforts,” he said.

Selangor Chief Minister also announced the PJ Elevated City project by PKNS at Sungei Way Free Trade Zone in Petaling Jaya that includes the construction of a hostel that can accommodate 10,00 migrant workers.

This project is developed on a land area of 20 acres with a gross development value of RM1.2 billion. Other facilities to be offered include a business center of commercial and corporate offices, and a motor hub.

"PJ Elevated City will ensure a humane standard of living for foreign workers," said Tan Sri Abdul Khalid.

The Menteri Besar said that the proposal to create this database came after SSIC conducted a study which concluded that the need for foreign labour in the industrial sector over the next three years was still high.

The study concluded that between June to December 2010, 7,110 unskilled workers were needed in Selangor's industrial sector, whereas in 2011, 13,031 workers were required, and another 10,815 in 2012.

The Menteri Besar said that the electronics industrial sector required both skilled and unskilled labour based on estimates of increases in production capacity in the years to come.

Selangor contributes 35% of Malaysia’s GDP and its industrial sector is the biggest in the country.

Issued by
PRESS SECRETARIAT
OFFICE OF DATO’ MENTERI BESAR SELANGOR

民联以廉制贪、以民为本的政策就是对抗物价高涨的最佳良药

巫统宣传秘书拿督阿末玛兹兰日前在昔加末挑战民联，在本身执政的4个州属，提供补贴予人民，以降低必需品价格。他向民联执政的4个州属，即雪兰莪、槟城、吉打与吉兰丹下战书，指民联如果认为现今物价太高，应设法找钱来提供补贴，遏止必需品价格上涨。他甚至要求民联提供必需品补贴给人民。

其实不只是民联执政的州政府没有责任提供必需品补贴，甚至国阵执政的州政府也没有责任这么做。阿末马兹兰要求民联州政府提供补贴，是否意味他要把中央政权能让给民联不可？必需品价格是中央政府的责任，处理必需品补贴也是中央政府的责任。在这事上，中央政府是责无旁贷的。

其实，民联政府推行以廉制贪和以民为本的政策在很大程度上已经协助低下阶层人民度过通货膨胀的难关。

在雪州，除了推行免费首20立方米的自来水之外，民联州政府也推行乐龄亲善基金、出生婴儿基金、大专入学奖、妇女乳房免费健康检查等等微观惠民计划。宏观来说，民联政府推行各项经济刺激配套，比中央政府率先带动加强吧生谷河流域的公共交通系统、清洗吧生河计划以刺激旅游业和经济活动、进行城市复新计划等等措施。

最近，雪州民联政府鉴于目前蔬菜价格高涨约100%，人民新年必须吃贵菜，因此将在今年推出“厨房园艺”计划（Kitchen Pertanian），鼓励人民住家种菜，自给自足！雪州行政议员黄洁冰指出，雪州政府将提供免费种子，让人民在家园或社区空地种植蔬菜，对抗通膨。

在行政上，民联州政府采取开源节流的政策，通过透明施政、公开招标、追讨巫统朋党公司的巨额欠款、加强沙石税收等等措施改善州政府和地方政府的行政效率。雪州民联政府更在去年9月推出微型贷款计划（Microcredit Skim），该计划共5000万令吉贷款供乡村地区低收入雪州家庭申请，申请者可申请3000至5万令吉以从事小生意维持生计，增加收入。

这些措施比直接提供必需品补贴来的更实际，因为这些措施和政策能够对体制的弱点对症下药，从问题的根本解决问题。这些措施也是赋权于民的体现，让人民通过身体力行的方式亲自努力对抗通膨而不是一直依靠政府铺贴过日子。

相反的，国阵执政50多年，不仅没有落实以上种种为民计划，甚至狠刮民脂发大财。之前有州务大臣滥用公款出国履行，现在也有旅游部长浪费325万令吉“周游列国”。因此，我呼吁人民用雪亮的眼睛看清事实，不再被国阵欺骗。

涨！涨！涨！Ron 97汽油每公升涨价10仙证明政府慢慢把汽油价格调涨至2008年水平

从2011年1月5日凌晨12点起，国内Ron 97汽油每公升将涨价10仙，即以每公升2令吉40仙的售价出售。如此调整石油价格是由其用意的，因为政府可以避免一次过调涨石油价格所带来的政治压力。到最后联邦政府将成功把价格上涨至无津贴水平。

联邦政府是从2010年7月16日开始以“管理自由浮动”方式管理Ron 97汽油，每月一次依据国际油价调整价格。虽然Ron 95汽油的售价不受影响，但是我相信联邦政府迟早将会调涨Ron 95的售价。

联邦政府去年信誓旦旦保证不会调涨Ron 95汽油的售价。无论如何，政府还是在去年年尾宣布调涨Ron 95汽油的售价。如此自相矛盾，显示国阵联邦政府完全不理会民怨。随着这次Ron 97汽油售价在再次上涨，普罗大众所使用的Ron 95汽油售价可能会在定能补选之后上涨。

如此一来，大马汽油售价将会慢慢地上涨至2008年每公升2令吉80仙的水平。当大马经济尚未完全转型，公共交通未能完全取代私家车的时候，政府如此大幅度调涨汽油价格将会增加人民经济负担。

我呼吁政府检讨现有的“管理自由浮动”机制，以及确保Ron 95和Ron 97价格分别不会超过每公升2令吉和2令吉50仙。

Price hike - it won't stop now!

Prices of several essential items gone up today again. The DAP has always maintained a stand that distortion of market via subsidy system should not continue and the government should put in place a proper and comprehensive social safety net to cover the needs of the poor in embracing higher living expenses.

Please do not misunderstand this as a support for the federal government to increase prices of essential items. The government can take away subsidies provided that there are sufficient alternatives. For example, the people will not grumble too much if there is a proper public transportation system in place even if the government increase petrol prices to more than RM3 per litre!

The question is of whether the government has thought through it enough or not before any decision made.

My immediate response to the "4 in 1" price hike is very simple, that it is not going to stop here. It will continue to happen. It means prices of essential items will be increased, not at one shot but bit by bit. Maybe there will be another round of price hike after every two months.

By end of 2011, the price of essential items will reach the desired level (of the federal government, of course!) without any need for Barisan Nasional to explain to the people all the wastages incurred due to low level of competency, accountability and transparency of them running the federal government.

Escaping the middle-income trap

Posted by Michael Schuman The Curious Capitalist Tuesday, August 10, 2010 at 12:49 am TIME

Read more here

I returned a few days ago from Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia, where the talk of the town – well, at least among economists -- is the “middle-income trap.” What's that, you ask? A developing nation gets “trapped” when it reaches a certain, relatively comfortable level of income but can't seem to take that next big jump into the true big leagues of the world economy, with per capita wealth to match. Every go-go economy in Asia has confronted this “trap,” or is dealing with it now. Breaking out of it, however, is extremely difficult. The reason is that escaping the “trap” requires an entire overhaul of the economic growth model most often used by emerging economies.

Malaysia's caught in the “trap” right now, and getting out if is going to be tough. Simply put, Malaysia needs to change what it has been doing economically for the past 40 years. How Malaysia got itself into the “trap,” and how it could escape from it, can provide us with some valuable lessons on development and, more specifically, how developing nations can graduate into becoming fully advanced economies.

The concept behind the “middle-income trap” is quite simple: It's easier to rise from a low-income to a middle-income economy than it is to jump from a middle-income to a high-income economy. That's because when you're really poor, you can use your poverty to your advantage. Cheap wages makes a low-income economy competitive in labor-intensive manufacturing (apparel, shoes and toys, for example). Factories sprout up, creating jobs and increasing incomes. Every rapid-growth economy in Asia jumpstarted its famed gains in human welfare in this way, including Malaysia.

However, that growth model eventually runs out of steam. As incomes increase, so do costs, undermining the competitiveness of the old, low-tech manufacturing industries. Countries (like Malaysia) then move “up the value chain,” into exports of more technologically advanced products, like electronics. But even that's not enough to avoid the “trap.” To get to that next level – that high-income level – an economy needs to do more than just make stuff by throwing people and money into factories. The economy has to innovate and use labor and capital more productively. That requires an entirely different way of doing business. Instead of just assembling products designed by others, with imported technology, companies must invest more heavily in R&D on their own and employ highly educated and skilled workers to turn those investments into new products and profits. It is a very, very hard shift to achieve. Thus the “trap.”

South Korea is probably the best current example of a developing economy making the leap into the realm of the most advanced. Companies like Samsung and LG are becoming true leaders in their fields. Taiwan isn't far behind. China's policymakers are fully aware that, with labor costs rising, it needs to follow suit.

Malaysia, though, is quite far from where it wants to be. That's a bit surprising based on its remarkable recent history. Malaysia has been among the best performing economies in the world since World War II, one of only 13 to record an average growth rate of 7% over at least a 25-year period. The country has an amazing record of improving human welfare. In 1970, some 50% of Malaysians lived in absolute poverty; now less than 4% do. Yet Malaysians also feel that they've become somewhat stuck where they are. GDP growth has slowed up, from an annual average of 9.1% between 1990 and 1997 to 5.5% from 2000 and 2008. Meanwhile, other Asian economies have zipped by Malaysia. According to the World Bank, the per capita gross national income (GNI) of South Korea in 1970 was below that of Malaysia ($260 versus $380), but by 2009, South Korea's was almost three times larger than Malaysia's ($21,530 versus $6,760). Malaysia is getting “trapped” as a relatively prosperous but still middle-income nation.

Can Malaysia escape? The initial indications are not encouraging. The economy's growth engine remains unchanged – export-oriented manufacturing backed by foreign investment. Its companies are just not innovating or adding much value to what they produce. You can find all of the ugly details in a very thorough study by the World Bank, released in April. Private investment has sunk precipitously, from more than a third of GDP in the mid-1990s to only some 10% today. Labor productivity is growing more slowly than in the 1990s. The “value-added” in manufacturing in Malaysia trails many of its neighbors – an indication that Malaysian factories are mainly assembling goods designed elsewhere. R&D spending remains frighteningly low, at about 0.6% of GDP (compared to 3.5% in South Korea). If Malaysia is going to break the “trap,” it has to reverse all of these trends.

How can Malaysia achieve that? The World Bank report has pages of recommendations. The basics include slicing apart the bureaucratic red tape that stifles competition and suppresses investment, bolstering the education system so it can churn out more top-notch graduates, and funneling more financial resources to start-ups and other potentially innovative firms. To its credit, the government of Malaysia is fully aware of what it needs to do. In March, Prime Minister Najib Razak introduced a reform program called the New Economic Model. You can read the initial report here. The NEM shows that Najib realizes that excessive government interference in the economy is dampening investor sentiment and holding back Malaysian industry. All eyes now are waiting for the more detailed policy recommendations for the NEM (though it is not clear when those might appear).

Yet I'm wondering if getting policy right is really enough. Of course, it would help, by setting in place better incentives for private businessmen to invest in innovative projects, and creating the tools they need to make those projects work. But I don't think that's the whole story. I've been musing on the differences between South Korea and Malaysia. Why has Korea jumped so far ahead? I think the reason is embedded in the different methods the two countries used to spur rapid growth.

Both countries relied exports to create rapid gains in income, but they did so differently. South Korea, from its earliest days of export-led development in the mid-1960s, had been determined to create homegrown, internationally competitive industries. Though Korean firms supplied big multinationals with components or even entire products, that was never enough – Korea wanted to manufacture its own products under its own brands. The effort was often a painful one – remember Hyundai's first disastrous foray into the U.S. car market in the late 1980s and early 1990s – but Korea is where it is today because its private companies have been working on getting there for a very long time, backed in full by the financial sector and the government.

Malaysia, on the other hand, relied much, much more on foreign investment to drive industrialization. That's not a bad thing – multinational companies provide an instant shot of capital, jobs, expertise and technology into a poor country. MNCs, however, aren't going to develop Malaysian products; that has to take place in the labs and offices of Malaysia's private businesses. But those businessmen have been content to squeeze profits from serving MNCs and maintaining their original, assembly-based business models.

In other words, what is needed for Malaysia to break from the “middle-income trap” is a greater national commitment to innovate on its own. Entrepreneurs and bankers have to be willing to take more risks to support inventive ventures and new technologies. Talented workers have to be willing to take jobs at home instead of Silicon Valley. The Malaysian private sector has to be more devoted to the country's future. This is fuzzy stuff, outside of the realm of usual economics. But I fear the kind of commitment needed to escape the “trap” unfortunately can't be created by government initiatives alone.